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This paper explores the usages of four concepts – sunna, sīra, āthār, and nasab – mainly in early Ibāḍī epistles, but also in other types of Ibāḍī literature, to examine how early Ibāḍīs understood the legacy of the Prophet Muḥammad, and their relation to that legacy. It argues that before the sixth/twelfth century a notion of communal pedigree occupied pride of place in early Ibāḍī conceptualizations of legality and legitimacy. Thus, Ibāḍī sunna was “communal sunna”. The accumulated weight of Ibāḍī tradition – what is known as āthār in Ibāḍī literature – operated authoritatively as a counterpart to sunna; and the Ibāḍī siyar tradition did not focus on the Prophet exclusively, but rather described the scholarly community as an imagined whole. Moreover, Ibāḍīs explicitly articulated their communal pedigree in “teacher lines” (called nasab al-dīn or nasab al-islām) in Omani literature, and through the structure of their ṭabaqāt/siyar works in North Africa. Appreciating the importance of this communal pedigree, and the nexus of concepts through which it was articulated, helps us to understand the relative lack of emphasis placed on collecting and documenting ḥadīth (Ibāḍīs employ ḥadīth, but they did not use isnāds, nor did they appear to have a ḥadīth collection until the sixth/twelfth century), as well as the general absence of Prophetic biography among them (which also does not appear until the sixth/twelfth century).
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Gaiser, A. R. (2022). Sectarianism in Islam: the Umma divided (1st ed.). Cambridge University Press.
"This is a book about intra-religious divisions among Muslims - what medieval Muslims might have called, and contemporary Muslims might call (sing. madhhab). That is to say, it is a book about how Muslims have, over the course of their long history and in the many geographical areas where they found themselves, forged and often re-forged divergent notions of what it means to be a Muslim. This process might be called "sectarianism," or even "Islamic sectarianism," though the moniker is fraught with problems, not the least of which being that several of the recognized divisions among Muslims (e.g. ) would not technically qualify as being "sects" according to the myriad scholarly definitions of that term. To account for this particular issue, this work focuses on Muslim sects and "schools," meaning here schools of thought, as a means of approaching what Muslim authors might have implied when they described these groups as At the outset, it is worth asking after the purpose of such a book? Why read it? On the face of it, it would seem that current world conditions make the answers to these questions obvious: communal unrest or outright violence in Muslim majority countries such as Iraq, Bahrain, Lebanon, Yemen, and Pakistan (to name a few) often gets articulated in sectarian terms, not only by the actors and the victims of such violence, but also by the various journalists, anchors, and writers whose task it is to report and explain these events to the rest of the world. For many popular media outlets, affiliations, such as Sunni or , offer convenient identity markers by bounding groups by their communal affiliation. These sectarian classifications are meant to "make sense" of conflict in the Islamic world by providing their readers a means to navigate that world, and they gain legitimacy as explanatory devices insofar as they reflect the ways that some Muslims articulate the underlying causes of their conflicts. Indeed, many Sunnis and among others, employ sectarian categories as a means to identify themselves, or as the basis for polemics (as a simple search of the internet will show), or as a reason to engage in violence. Journalists, then, can accurately claim that their reporting reflects "local" perceptions of the situation on the ground"--
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The Muslim community, known as the umma, is meant to be united. The Qur’an, in chapter 29, verse 92, states that ““Indeed, this your umma is one umma, and I am your Lord; so worship Me.” Yet Muslims, just like Jews, Christians and other religious groups, divided into various communal divisions quite early in their history.
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Des trois branches de l’islam, on connaît généralement le sunnisme et le chiisme. La troisième, le kharijisme, constitue une catégorie beaucoup plus difficile à cerner, mais son image dans les sources majoritaires est celle de la dissidence, voire de la déviance, politique et religieuse. Les Kharijites sont très présents dans la littérature arabe pour incarner un anti-modèle, celui du chaos politique, de la révolte permanente, de l’excès de zèle religieux et dévotionnel. A tel point que leurs leaders, qui défièrent à plusieurs reprises l’Empire omeyyade, puis abbasside, sont dépeints tantôt comme des rebelles insaisissables, tantôt comme des desperados, des bandits de grand chemin ou des fous de Dieu. Nous analyserons et déconstruirons tout d’abord cet imaginaire de la dissidence, qui participe à la construction de cet islam hégémonique que devint le sunnisme au cours des premiers siècles. Occasion pour nous de revisiter quelques récits qui structurent la narration historique en islam : le règne d’Uthmân, calife de la discorde, la bataille de Siffîn, matrice symbolique des trois branches que se reconnaît l’islam, le meurtre d’Ali, qui met en jeu la question du meurtre politique… Les Kharijites ont constitué une nébuleuse dont nous tenterons aussi de cerner les caractéristiques, de comprendre le programme politique et religieux. Mais pour cela, il faudra tenter de passer de l’autre côté du miroir en essayant d’identifier les textes et les témoignages qui documentent ce courant au plus juste. Nous nous appuierons pour cela sur la production écrite des Ibadites, leurs lointains héritiers idéologiques.
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Dr. Gaiser discusses his research on Ibadi Muslims and early Muslim sectarianism, and suggests books for further reading.
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