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This article explores the socio-economic changes that occurred in Muslim societies from the late 18th, 19th to the 20th centuries and how these changes contributed to the reformation of Shari‘a Law. The focus of this article will be on Omani society in the 20th century but prior to 1970. The main question that I attempt to answer is how Oman has reacted to modern change in the 20th century. I argue that although reform is an important phenomena in Islamic law, and many Muslim societies have experienced legal changes towards equality within the Shari‘a Family Law, Oman has remained distant from such changes.
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This article explores the conflict between Omani traditional culture1 and modern change by examining the practice of kafa’a2 in present-day Oman. kafa’a—which refers to the notion that the husband’s family should be equal or superior in terms of social, religious or economic background to the wife’s family if the marriage is to be accepted—exemplifies a type of social and legal inequality that is at odds with State rhetoric on equality but congruent with the type of hierarchical social structure traditionally valued by Omanis, which tolerates a high degree of inequality between individuals and groups. I argue that the recognition of kafa’a as a condition of marriage in Article 20 of the Omani Personal Status Law serves to, in effect, reinforce traditional tribal and religious cultural practices in Oman.
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Thispaperdiscussestheroleandoverlappingmeaningoftwokeythemespersistenwt ithintheOmanidecorativetraditions,tars anddatepalms,byfocusingonthedecoratedprayerniches(mahãrfbs,g.mihrãbo) fOman.Italso addressesthecloseconnection betweenconceptionosftopographiynOmanicultureandthearticulatioonfthresholdbs,othsacredanddomesticT. hepaperargues thatan attempttoconnectthecelestialandphysicaltopographicconceptiontshatis attheheartofthecomplexwaterdistribution strategyoftheaflãjirrigatiosnystemalso prevailsin themihrãbT. he Ibadï artisanof Omanintegraterdepresentatioonfsboth continuouasndinstantaneoutismeemployintgheendlessknotandstellarmotifsE.mphasizingthesacrednatureoftimeandlightas divineattributeosressenceofGod,themihrãbsoughttorepresenatcelestialtopographyw,hichwas madepossiblethroughIbadï analogicalinterpretatioonfsanthropomorphiisnmtheQurDanandan expandinginfluencoefmysticismamongstOmanischolars. Omanimihrãband doordecorationshowsa close affinitbyetweenstellarand date-palmrepresentationtsh,elatteralso heldin sacredesteeminOman.Theaflãjirrigatiosnystemoncedependedsignificantolyn thepositionofstarsinthenightskytoensure thedistributioonfwaterT. heinterchangeabrlepresentatiosunggestsa conflatioonftheterrestritaolpographoyftheoasisandthe celestialtopographyTh. ehorizonmediatedthisrelationshipac,tingas a thresholtdhroughwhichthecelestialbodieshadtopassto be meaningfulalyssociatedwiththeterrestritaolpographyA.ppearingas woventapestrieosrboundedspatialrepresentationbso,th themihrãbandtheOmanidoorwaydecorationmarka thresholidnthesacredandsecularpassage.
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With few exceptions, scholarly presentations of the Ibāḍī “stages of religion” (masālik al-dīn) and their corresponding Imāms (i.e. imām al-ẓuhūr, imām al-difāʿ, imām al-shirā', and imām al-kitmān) propose a simplified overview of the institution that is based on post-Ibāḍī renaissance thought on the Imāmate. This paper investigates the pre-renaissance usages of the masālik al-dīn by comparing sixth/twelfth-century Arabian and North African Ibāḍī texts on the subject. It demonstrates that Eastern and Western Ibāḍīs manipulated the concepts central to the later masālik al-dīn ideal to reflect the particular needs of each respective community. While the articulations of the masālik al-dīn differed according to region, they simultaneously utilized a similar vocabulary. This convergence implies an earlier and inherited conceptual system (most likely from the earliest Basran Ibāḍī umma) that was adapted in the medieval period to fulfil the unique needs of each community.
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