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Based on: Sadūsī, Abū ‘l-Khaṭṭāb Qatāda b. Diʿāma: Aqwāl Qatāda (see especially pp. 234-236); Azdī, Abū ‘l-Shaʿthā’ Jābir b. Zayd: Jawābāt Abī ‘l-Shaʿthā’ Jābir b. Zayd (see especially pp. 237-242); Rabīʿ b. Ḥabīb: K. al-Āthār and Futyā al-Rabīʿ b. Ḥabīb (see especially pp. 243-246); Ibn Ghānim, Abū Ghānim Bishr [b. Ghānim] al-Khurāsānī: al-Mudawwana (see especially pp. 246-248).
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The politico-economic involvement of Omani families in the Gulf region in the period of Makramid rule in Oman (385–442/995–1050) deserves further study. My research into this family has highlighted the political involvement of Oman in the interaction between the Gulf and Iran in this period. It also revealed another dimension, i.e. shipping through the Gulf and the use by Omani families of the old trade routes, starting from Soḥār, to Sīrāf and thence to al-Ābilah, and ending in Baṣrah. The trade network linking all these cities was mostly operated by the ships owned by Omani families and run by their employees. Although the Makramids dominated this trade, it should be noted that other Omani families were also involved in it. The weakness of Makramid rule was mainly due to the family's concentration on economic activities and its reluctance to become involved in military action. Consequently, they remained under Buyid authority throughout their rule in the coastal region of Oman. Yet we cannot deny that Mihiyār's praise of the Makramids for protecting and defending Oman referred to genuine actions on their part and was not simply empty compliments. Makramid rule defended coastal Oman effectively and extended into other parts of the country, especially under Abū ʾl-Qāsim and his son Abū ʾl-Jaysh. I conclude this paper with a table of the Makramid dynasty.
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The foreign policy of the Sultanate of Oman has differed markedly from those of other Arab Gulf countries, let alone other Arab states. Many a time, governments and political leaders throughout the region have been bewildered by Muscat’s nonconformist stance. Perhaps nowhere was the independence of Oman’s foreign policy more evident than in its attitude toward Israel and the Arab-Israeli conflict. The focus of this article is Oman’s policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict from 1970 to the present day. In arguing that it is just another component of the country’s multifaceted foreign policy, the discussion traces Oman’s political history and offers insights into how this foreign policy has been shaped. It identifies the logic behind Oman’s policy initiatives, and assesses its ability to adapt to changing regional and international environments.
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