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Oman is facing important economic and political challenges. The economic challenge it faces is that its population is rising while its oil reserves are declining. The political challenges it faces are the extreme concentration of authority in the hands of one man (Sultan Qaboos), the sultan's unwillingness to allow meaningful political participation or dialogue, political legitimacy issues concerning both Sultan Qaboos and the succession process he has set up, and sporadic but persistent signs of opposition. This article examines these problems and assesses their implications for the political stability of Oman.
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The aim of this thesis is to study the political changes in Oman from 1970 with the focus on the transition towards democracy. The core issue is the change from the policy of the previous sultan, who banned the participation of the nation and oppressed it. This led the country to civil war, isolation and the end of the regime. The current sultan, who launched a coup against his father in 1970, adopted various changes in areas such as the economy, politics and infrastructure, and allowed the people to run the country. The important changes were the process of democratisation in Oman, which is discussed in the context both of democratic theory, and change in the South. The thesis will offer an overview of democratic political theory, an account of political change in the South in general, and in the Middle East region in particular. The focus on Oman will seek to answer three questions: when did the process of democratisation begin; why was it begun, and how has it been managed? The core of the argument will look at the creation of formal institutions of democracy, such as the Majlis Ash-Shura (Consultative Council), and the State Council, and informal institutions, such as the media, the Chamber of Commerce, the Businessmen's Council, Sablat Alarab (the Arab Council Web Site), and the role of leading individuals in the democratic debate. These changes led the current sultan to receive internal and extemallegitimacy. Omani citizens are now aware of the development in other parts of the world and they will force the current sultan to add further changes. He should respond positively in order to remain in power.
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With a list of Omani tribes with there affiliation (Ibāḍī/Sunnī, Ghāfirī/Hināwī) and the regions where they are concentrated. The discussion in this note is taken largely from Peterson 1978, 112-114. The treatment there relies heavily on Wilkinson 1972a.
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Depuis de longues années, Oman se conduit comme l’un des principaux alliés de l’Occident dans la région du Golfe persique et a appuyé l’intervention en Afghanistan. En revanche, il s’est opposé publiquement à l’attaque des Etats-Unis contre l’Irak. Washington prétend, à travers ce conflit, obliger le monde arabe à adopter le modèle démocratique occidental. L’exemple d’Oman prouve précisément qu’il s’agit d’une tâche ardue, qui ne peut être improvisée, et encore moins imposée, depuis l’étranger.
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Ce travail s'attache à mettre en évidence, dans un contexte historique, les ressorts de la remarquable stabilité du sultanat d'Oman depuis 1970, date à laquelle le sultan Qabous Bin Sa'id a accédé au trône. Héritier d'un territoire sans Etat, le nouveau souverain, porté au pouvoir par les britanniques, a su construire durant son règne une identité nationale omanaise moderne et associer l'image de sa personne au développement économique et social sans précédent impulsé par l'Etat et la rente pétrolière. Pourtant, loin de se révéler en rupture avec l'histoire moderne d'Oman, comme le suggère l'historiographie officielle, le règne de Qabous s'inscrit par de nombreux aspects dans la continuité du règne de son père, Sa'id (1932-1970). En mêlant cooptation des élites traditionnelles et coercition à l'égard des foyers de contre-pouvoirs, le souverain a rallié à son autorité l'ensemble des forces sociopolitiques susceptibles de le gêner. La dernière décennie a [vu] néanmoins de nombreux bouleversements se produire dans la société omanaise, avec l'apparition de défis politiques et sociaux à même de remettre en cause la stabilité en place : ralentissement de la production pétrolière, revendications politiques inédites, nécessaire nationalisation des emplois, etc. L'une des principales évolutions consiste en une repolarisation de la société autour d'identités infra-nationales - ethnolinguistiques, régionales - anciennes ou nouvelles.
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Although the majority of Oman's population is Arab and either Ibadi or Sunni Muslim, the country exhibits a wealth of diversity in ethnic groups and native languages. While these other groups are often small in total size, they are represented in such areas as politics and commerce in numbers disproportionate to the weight of their communities and, although distinctive, are more or less woven into the social fabric of the country. Ethnic identity seems likely to decline as the various communities increasingly mix in education, the workplace, residential areas, social functions, the military, and elsewhere. This article provides brief “snapshots” of these groups and assesses their changing status in Omani society.
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