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Djerba Island, which had been a refuge for famous pirates since the second half of the 16th century, had an important position for the Mediterranean. Especially when Turgut Pasha, the Beylerbeyi of Tripolitania, took Djerba Island under his control, the Christian world's interest in the island increased. The Crusader troops formed to capture Djerba managed to capture the island and built a castle on the island despite the disagreement between the commanders, bad weather conditions, epidemics and deserters. Upon this news, the Ottoman navy under the command of Piyale Pasha moved towards the island of Djerba. The Ottoman fleet, which was outnumbered, defeated the Crusader fleet off the coast of Djerba. While some of the Crusaders fled, some of them took refuge in the castle of Djerba. The Crusaders were besieged by sea and land for two months. The Ottoman navy forced the Crusaders to surrender by attacking the wells in the castle. In return for the surrender of the Crusaders, their lives were spared and the island of Djerba was annexed to Tripolitania under the Ottoman Empire. This study focuses on the conquest of Djerba by the Ottoman navy, which was an important centre of refuge for Turkish pirates and the domination of the Central Mediterranean.

, ABSTRACT:, The fields of Ottoman and Maghribi history have largely developed independently of one another. Thanks to the outlooks of both colonialist and nationalist historiographies of the Maghrib, historians of North Africa for a long time mostly ignored the Ottoman presence or depicted the Ottomans as distant, foreign conquerors. Ottoman historians tended to see the Maghrib as peripheral to the history of the empire and to portray North African provinces as largely irrelevant to the core of Ottoman history. Since the 1970s, a smattering of scholars has attempted to connect the histories of the Ottoman Empire and the Maghrib. Building on this growing body of work, this article argues for the usefulness of taking the Ottoman Empire seriously in the study of Maghribi history, and of taking the Maghrib seriously in the study of the Ottoman Empire. After an exploration of the historiography, we turn to a discussion of sovereignty as an example of what the Maghribi turn in Ottoman history might look like. Rather than consign North Africa to an imagined periphery, we ask how Ottoman historiography can be reimagined when we view the empire from the Maghrib.

, ABSTRACT:, This article follows the career of Saʿīd al-Shammākhī (d.1883), who served in Cairo, Egypt as the wakil of the Bey of Tunis from 1871–1881. I suggest that Shammakhi's life and career as wakil offers novel valence and voice to an increasingly polyvalent, polyphonic, and polychronic history of late Ottoman North Africa; namely, that of an Ibadi Muslim commercial and diplomatic agent, whose career linked two late-Ottoman Arab provinces at a decisive period in their history. The article situates Shammakhi in recent scholarship on late-Ottoman North Africa, with an emphasis on work that has sought to decenter European imperialism and colonialism as the defining factors in the chronology and history of the region. It also outlines his biography leading up to his appointment as wakil before then contextualizing Shammakhi's role as wakil by explaining the nature of that office. Shammakhi's time as wakil—and even the years following his death—expressed multiple belongings, imagined alternative futures past, and embodied a life and afterlife disrupted, but not defined, by the encounter between European imperialism and Ottoman lands in Africa.

Our research originated from two family archive documents located in the Tunisian island of Djerba which relate to two notarial acts. The first act concerns a jâma’ (oratory) from the wahaby community while the second relates to a mastawâ community one. Both communities are factions of the ibadhy school of thought and the aforementioned documents date back to the second half of the 19th century ie nearly one century after the island’s status switched from a traditional cheikhat status to a caïdat one due to the rising influence of the malekits within the island. Being originally perceived as « foreigners », the Malekits fully acted from then on as local actors while showing objective alliance to the power in Tunis. Besides, other sources have revealed that some ibadhy families intentionally converted to malekism choosing to abandon irreversibly their original religious thought starting from the 18th century. Our research focuses on compromise as a way of resistance for natives’ forces against the Malekit surrounding environment as it became their established neighbour. We first study the corpus provided by our sources featuring the ibadhy traditions as well as malekit school fiqh. We try then to draw the relationship this corpus has with the local and locality establishments. Our aim was to follow the move from an established single mainstream local community (ibadhy) to a pluralist local landscape (ibadhy-malekit). Finally one power opposing the compromise shapes up on legal grounds. In fact, the agreement approved by both the malekit cadi and the mastâwâ ibadits went unnoticed without any objection. The one agreed with the wahbits has on the other hand raised many reservations. The fuqahâ-s of Tunis answering one question from an anonymous person signaled a mistake in the drafting of the notarial act in question and concluded it was invalid and thus could not be acceptable as evidence. As such, a frontier was being marked out between a pluralist local and a unitarian global.

Based mainly on some 16 documents of the Āl al-Saṭūrī, provided by Saʿīd al-Sāṭūrī, of which the oldest goes back to 1220/1805-6 and the latest to the twentieth century, and on oral information. Also on documents related to Jerba in the Tunisian National Archives. This article studies the family memory of the Āl al-Sāṭūrī, with regard to the historical memory of the Mistāwa community of Jerba. Many Mistāwa families have forgotten that they belonged, until fairly recently, to al-Ibāḍiyya, while scholars of al-Ibāḍiyya al-Wahbiyya state that there was no difference between al-Wahbiyya and Mistāwa (or Nukkār; two groups at Jerba, the Mistāwa are followers of ʿAbdl. b. Yazīd al-Fazārī al-Baṣrī, and the others followers of Khalaf b. Samaḥ); both were Ibāḍis (Ibn Yaʿqūb, Sālim and Qāsim Qūja 1985). The Saṭūrī family, as did many other Mistāwa families, climbed up the social ladder by becoming Mālikīs.

سعي المقال إلى التعرف على المعرفة التاريخية والدولة لدي مؤرخي الأطراف في البلاد التونسية خلال العصر الحديث. وتطرق المقال إلى عرض الكتابة التاريخية وكيفية إنتاج المعرفة التاريخية لدي "الحيلاتي" و" الجربي" في مستوي الخبر التاريخي أولاً من خلال الأخبار الواردة في خطابيهما في سياق العلاقة بالدولة والتي تمثلت في دولة الأتراك العثمانيين في طرابلس وفى تونس من حيث زمانها والفاعلون الاجتماعيون فيها ومجالها ثم مكانة البناءات الطرفية منها. كما ناقش المقال خبراً يمثل حدثاً تاريخياً تأسيسياً، مفاده: قطع جزيرة جربة علاقتها بالعهد الحفصي وتبعيتها للبلاد التونسية، ودخولها إلى الإمبراطورية العثمانية وتبعيتها لها، وهي بذلك تصبح طرفاً ضمن إيالة طرابلس، ويتمثل الخبر بدخول "درغوث باشا" وإلى طرابلس إلى الجزيرة، وضمها إلى الإيالة الطرابلسية التي فتحها الأتراك العثمانيون سنة (1551-1552)، كما أورد "الحيلاني" و" الجربي" الخبر مركباً، ويمكن أن يعد في حد ذاته خطاباً يحتوي على عناصر عدة، منها رؤية كل إخباري للزمن من خلال علاقته بالدولة، ويضع "الحيلاني" الخبر سنة 966ه/1558-1559م، و"الجربي" سنة 960ه/1552-1553م أي بمسافة زمنية تقدر بست سنوات، ولم يكن فارق السنوات كبيراً ولكنه ليس بلا مقابل أو بلا معني. وختاماً توصل المقال إلى أن رؤية المؤرخين التونسيين لم تكن للدولة والمجتمع رؤية واحدة، وكان للخبر التاريخي علاقة بالزمن والموضوعات والمدونة والألفاظ المستعملة أكثر من استعمال واحد، ويدل مثال "الجربي" على أن المؤرخين الموالين للمخزن قد يقعون في الأطراف، وقد لا يكونون أصحاب خطط أو رواتبية لدي المخزن، بل يكون لهم فكر مخزني داعم لدولة ترابية قوية. كُتب هذا المستخلص من قِبل دار المنظومة 2018