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In this article, we present the results of a recent program of high-resolution radiocarbon dating on the urban sequence at Kilwa Kisiwani in southern Tanzania, including Bayesian modeling of 21 calibrated 14C dates. These data come from the 2016 excavation of a large trench directly adjacent to trench ZLL, one of the key 1960s excavations that served to establish the original chronology of the town. The new sequence reported here anchors the phases of Kilwa’s development for the first time in absolute terms. The dates, stratigraphy, and artifact assemblage offer a number of new insights into the timing and tempo of the occupation at Kilwa, notably placing the first coral buildings and coins at the end of the tenth century. Insights also include findings related to the earliest phases of settlement and periods of possible urban decline. We argue against a trend for understanding Swahili towns according to a common coastal trajectory and suggest that it is important to consider regional diversity by recognizing the particular, episodic sequence at Kilwa.

The Sultanate of Oman has often been portrayed as a haven of peace in a most turbulent region. The projection of a peace-loving country is at the core of many narratives that this article intends to study, looking at how they are constructed. The purpose of this article is certainly not normative. We do not aim to test the reality or operationalization of such discourses or projections on the allegedly pacific nature of Oman as a state and society. Rather, our purpose is to understand how this dimension has come to be considered a natural feature of contemporary Oman and what arguments, images and figures they mobilize. Our first ambition will thus be to identify the structuration of the narrative focusing on Omani peace and its various dimensions, be they historical, religious, political or diplomatic. We will finally delve into discourses regarding the sustainability of the feature of Oman as a peace-loving country and the challenges it faces.

Oman and Brunei are two countries with a long history of sultanic regimes. A sultanate is a kingdom ruled by a Muslim monarch. Because of these two countries’ geopolitical and geostrategic locations, they are very important in global affairs. At the same time, although situated in the highly tense regions of the Middle East and Southeast Asia respectively, Oman and Brunei are generally quite stable. They have recently become involved in China’s global economic project, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Using a theory of small states, this article applies a qualitative research methodology focusing mainly on foreign policy analysis in a comprehensive analytical framework. The study uses face-to-face and by-correspondence interviews with government officials from both sultanates. It investigates whether the domestic determinants of small states’ foreign policy directly affect the bilateral relations between the two sultanates. The main finding of this study is that Oman and Brunei have greatly benefited through the establishment of a satisfactory bilateral relationship based mainly on four pillars from the list of determinants of small states’ foreign policy: historical connectivity, an Islamic monarchical dynastic system of governance, a state rentier economy, and shared foreign policy principles.

معلوم أن نظام العزابة أبدعه إباضية بلاد المغرب بعد سقوط الدولة الرستمية علي يد الداعية الفاطمي أبي عبد الله الشيعي سنة 296هـ وفي العام التالي نصب الإمام الإسماعيلي عبيد الله المهدي أول خليفة للدولة الفاطمية في مدينة رقاده. وعلي أثر سقوط الدولة الرستمية وتعرض إباضيتها للاضطهاد نزح معظمهم إلي جبل نفوسة وجزيرة جربة وواحة وارجلان في جوف الصحراء الكبري. في جبل نفوسة حاول إباضيتها إحياء الإمامة الرستمية، لكن جهودهم باءت بالفشل نتيجة تهديدات الخليفة المهدي الفاطمي. وفي جزيرة جرة – وكان إباضيتها علي مذهب النفاثية – نجحوا في إقامة نظام العزابة كبديل لنظام الإمامة، بالمثل أقام إباضية واحة وارجلان – وكان معظمهم علي مذهب الوهبية – نظام العزابة الذي كان أكثر تنظيماً وأكبر تأثيراً من عزابات جبل نفوسية وجزيرة جربة.

The M’ Zab Pentapolis, located on the edge of the northern Sahara, is a settlement system composed of five fortified cities (ksour) founded from the year One thousand by a group of religious dissidents, the Ibadis, on the slopes of the Algerian oasis that runs along the M’Zab uadi. The French architect André Ravéreau, was contacted in 1960 by the Agence du Plan d’Alger to participate in the Plan for the M’Zab Valley. With his wife, the photographer Manuelle Roche, Ravéreau drew up an interpretative analysis of the territory: he broke the valley down into its constituent parts to reuse them in his design projects. His studies also have contributed to create a certain imagery of the model of the “ideal Islamic city”. This paper aims to highlight how the architect’s interpretative reading of the valley is trans- ferred to his projects. Ravéreau was commissioned to design villes nouvelles within a valley surrounded by five ancient Islamic cities. He came up with proposals that were in continuity with the existing urban structure – demonstrating his ability to build relationships between the building, the ancient city, and the landscape – while at the same time attempting to com- bine the requirements of traditional culture with modern aspirations.

ملخص المقال لا شك أنّ الإباضية باعتبارها أولى فرق الإسلام ظهورا قد عرفت منذ وقت مبكر حركة زهدية اشتهرت عند زعمائهم الأوائل من أتباع المحكّمة الأولى وأهل النهروان، والأكيد أنَّ وحدة الفكر والمذهب بين إباضية المشرق والمغرب جعلت من الممارسات التعبّدية لكليهما مشتركة إلى حدِّ التطابق، لذلك نجد ارتباط إباضية المغرب بحركة الزهد إنما كان عن طريق تأثّرهم بأئمة الإباضية بالمشرق، ولمَّا ارتبطت دعوة الإباضية بحركة الزهد في هذا الوقت المبكّر من ظهور مذهبهم ببلاد المغرب أردنا تتبّع تطور حركة الزهد عند إباضية المغرب انطلاقا من الإشكالية التالية: هل انتقلت حركة الزهد التي عرفها إباضية المغرب في جانبها المظهري والتعبّدي إلى حركة صوفية، لها ممارساتها العملية، وهل ارتقت الحركة الصوفية إلى أن أصبحت ظاهرة اجتماعية؟.تصوف An article summary. the movement of Asceticism and the system of Sufism at the Ibadis of Maghreb ( Between the historical heritage and the local influences). From the beginning of the Hijri second century to the fall of Tiaret (296 AH / 909 CE) In Islam, there is no doubt that Asceticism is a necessary introduction about the Sufism because Asceticism and Sufism are behavior and practice associated with many Islamic doctrines. Certainly, Ibadism was the first islamic sect that appeared since early. Ibadism knew an ascetic movement was famous among their early leaders who are followers of the first Kharijites and the Nahrawan people.The unity of thought and doctrine between the Ibadis of Mashreq and Maghreb showed that the practices of worship are common; Therefore, Ibadhism was associated with the movement of asceticism at this early time when their doctrine appeared in the Maghreb. We tried to follow the evolution of asceticism at Ibadis of Maghreb from the following questions: Do we consider the Ibadi Asceticism like an early stage for the emergence of the Ibadi Sufism? Or that the Ibadi Asceticism was confined about the ritual aspects? Has the Ibadi Asceticism movement been able to become an organized social phenomenon? Or it remained associated with individual exercise, as a special behavior between the servant and his Lord?.

Sıffîn savaşı esnasında Muâviye ve Amr b. As’ın Tahkîm’e gitme önerisinin Halife Hz. Ali tarafından kabulü onun ordusunda bölünmeye yol açtı. Bu bölünme neticesinde makâlât türü kaynakların “Havâric” olarak adlandırdığı, İbâdîlerin ise “Muhakkimetü’l-Ûlâ” dedikleri ilk fırkalaşma hareketi başlamış oldu. Hicrî 64/684 yılında Muhakkimetü’l-Ûlâ’nın parçalanması ve sonrasında meydana gelen fırkaların hepsi Mezhepler Tarihçileri tarafından genel bir değerlendirme ile Hâricîliğin alt kolları olarak kabul edildi. Yapılan tanımlamalarda Ezârika, Necedât, Acâride, Sufriyye, Beyhesiyye ve diğer Hâricî fırkalar sertlik yanlısı ve aşırıya kaçanlar olarak vasıflandırıldı. İbâdîler ise Hâricîliğin günümüze kadar yaşayan mutedil fırkası olarak kabul edildi. Bu niteleme ile İbâdiyye Hâricî fırkalardan biri olarak konumlandırılmış oldu. Şiddet taraftarı Hâricî fırkalardan hiçbiri varlığını sürdüremezken İbâdiyye’nin günümüze kadar varlığını devam ettirmesinin temel sebebinin görüşlerindeki itidal olduğu söylenebilir. İbâdiyye’yi Hâricî olmakla itham eden müellifler, çeşitli konulardaki görüşlerinin benzerliğini delil gösterirler. Ancak bu iddialar İbâdîler tarafından kesin bir dille reddedilmektedir. Bu makalede İbâdî müelliflerin doğrudan kendi eserleri ekseninde benzer olduğu iddia edilen görüşler Hâricîlerin temel düşünceleriyle karşılaştırılarak bir sonuca ulaşılmaya çalışılacaktır.

This article aims to explain the reason for Oman’s neutrality policy amid Saudi-Iran growing tension in the region. The neutral stance from Oman raised some questions about their position as a part of the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) that, if following the logic of consequences, should take sides with Saudi, and put pressure on Iran due to Saudi presence in the group. Oman always promotes peace and tends to avoid confrontation when facing Saudi-Iran rivalry. By implementing explanative methods and a constructivism paradigm based on norms as a tool of analysis, and supported with secondary data, this article found out that Oman’s neutrality decision in the Saudi-Iran rivalry is largely being influenced by their domestic norms, that is Ibadism, that made them capable to avoid conflict in the region, in this case, the Saudi-Iran rivalry. Ibadism also drives them to always promote peace in the region, because this teaching is based on four main ideas, namely tolerance, just rule, acceptance of the other, and peaceful compromises. In the end, this domestic norm influenced Oman’s decision-maker’s conception of the importance of preserving stability in the region. This then becomes an important explanation about why Oman breaks with their fellow GCC members that tend to support Saudi in the rivalry with Iran and decided to follow neutrality as their main policy.

يتحدث هذا البحث عن موضوع في غاية الأهمية وهو مسألة خلق القرآن عند فرقة الإباضية. وقد عرض الباحث لفرقة الإباضية معرفا بها وبأصولها إجمالًا، وأنها من فرق الخوارج، وتناول الموضوع ببيان نشأة تلك المقالة وارتباطها بالجهمية وبين مخالفتها لاعتقاد أهل السنة والجماعة القائلين بأن القرآن كلام الله غير مخلوق. وكشف الباحث الاختلاف بين إباضية المشرق (عمان) وإباضية المغرب (شمال إفريقيا) في مقالة خلق القرآن، ذاكرا أن قدماء الإباضية المشارقة نصوا على أن القرآن كلام الله غير مخلوق، وأما المغاربة فوافقوا المعتزلة في القول بخلق القرآن، وهو القول الذي تتبناه الإباضية المعاصرة. وقد عرض الباحث أدلتهم من المنقول وناقشها مظهرا الحق في ذلك معتمدًا على نصوص الوحي المعصوم من الكتاب والسنة ثم بيان كلام سلف الأمة. ومن أهم نتائج البحث أن مقالة خلق القرآن لم تكن عند أسلافهم، وقد تأثروا بالمعتزلة في ذلك.

This research deals with the trends of the Kharijites in interpretation in the modern era. The research aims to reveal the origins of the Kharijites, their branches, their pioneers, their fundamentals, their approach, their general characteristics, and their most important deviations in interpretation, and to know the reasons behind the lack of production of the Kharijites in exegesis. The research reached a number of results, including that the Ibadis still carry some of the fundamentals of the ancient Kharijites. The research revealed the lack of discipline in the way of the Kharijites in interpretation. It is a mixture of opinion and reasoning with the words of the predecessors and mental citations.

تناول البحث نظرية التأويل الدلالي وأثرها في الدرس اللغوي ومدى استخدام تلك النظرية لدى أهل التأويل والتفسير عند العلماء، وعند سائر الفرق الإسلامية كـ ( المعتزلة، والخوارج، والإباضية، والجهمية، وغيرها من الفرق الإسلامية) ، فكانت دراستنا تنبعث من أروقة الفكر العربي وقضياه التي تدور حول أعمدة العقل الإسلامي، فكان لزاما علينا إبراز دور اللغة في مواجهة الفكر المتطرف، والذي أدى إلى تدهور الأمم والشعوب ودمارها، فدور اللغة لا يقل أثرًا عن الآليات الأخرى التي تواجه الفكر المتطرف، وقد اعتمدت الدراسة على وصف الفكر التأويلي عند الخوارج، وإظهار أنماطه الدلالية، ودور العقل في التأويل، ومتى يوافق العقل النقل الصحيح، وعدم إغلاق العقل في التفكير والتدبر في آيات الله وأحكامه، وشرائعه، فلابد من التوازن بين العقل والنقل في تأويل النصوص، ودلالاتها، فلا يخالف العقل النقل الصحيح، كما تناول البحث دور الإحالة اللغوية وعلاقتها بالتأويل، والسياق التأويل، ومنهج التأويل عند الخوارج، وكذلك التأويل النحوي ودوره في بناء المعنى، وإدراك المفاهيم.

تعدد ورود عبارة "ما يوجبه النظر" وما شابهها من صيغ في كتاب الإيضاح للشيخ عامر الشماخي (ت792هـ) الذي يعتبر من أبرز كتب الفتوى عند إباضية المغرب الإسلامي، سنقوم في هذا البحث ببيان الوجوه التي استعمل فيها الشيخ عامر الشماخي هذه العبارة في مباحث الشفعة كأنموذج من مباحث كتابه الإيضاح، فخصصنا المبحث الأول لتعريف الوجوب والنظر في اللغة والاصطلاح ومعنى عبارة "ما يوجبه النظر"، إلى جانب بيان مواضع ورود هذه العبارة واستعمالها في كتب الفقه الإباضي وأبرز المذاهب الإسلامية الأخرى، وقمنا في المبحث الثاني ببيان الوجوه التي استعملت فيها هذه العبارة في مباحث الشفعة من كتابه الإيضاح، بذكر قول المؤلف في تلك المسائل الفقهية ومقارنة بعضها بما ورد في أبرز كتب الفتوى عند الإباضية وعند غيرها من المذاهب الفقهية. The phrase "what is necessary to consider and similar formulations in the book of simplification by Sheikh Amer Al-Shammakh(d. 792 AH) (who wrote the legal opinion in the Ibadis of the Islamic Maghreb) as a phrase to indicate the result of his diligence in jurisprudential issues In the discussions of preemption as a model from the topics of his book the simplification, in the first topic the definition of obligation and consideration and the meaning of the phrase "what is necessary to consider", in addition to explaining the places of this expression and its use in books of Ibadi jurisprudence and the most prominent other Islamic doctrine, and in the second topic it deals with the aspects that In it, Sheikh Amer used this phrase comparing them with what was mentioned in the most prominent fatwa books of Ibadi and books of jurisprudence of all the jurisprudential doctrines.

يُحاول هذا المقال تقديم دراسة في جغرافية جبل سوفجج، والأحداث التاريخية المرتبة به قبيل قيام الدولة الرستمية، وذلك من خلال تحليل ما تفرّدت به المصادر الإباضية من أخبا عن هذا الجبل في هذه الفترة، وربطها بالمعطيات الميدانية التي بقيت شاهدا على وجوده، فانطلق هذا البحث من مُحاولة معرفة البنية اللغوية لاسمه، وتفكيكها لتحديد ما تحمله من دلالات معرفية، ثمّ استجلاء النصوص المصدرية من أجل الكشف عن بعض القرائن التي تخصُّ موقعه الجغرافي، وبعدها عرض ومناقشة الأحداث التاريخية التي ارتبطت بهذا الجبل، بداية من فرار عبد الرحمن بن رستم إليه، والتفاف الإباضية حوله، ثمّ مُحاصرة ابن الأشعث لهم في هذا الجبل، إلى مرحلة انتقال عبد الرحمن بن رستم إلى الموقع الذي بُنيت فيه العاصمة الرستمية. ولتأكيد الحضور الجغرافي لهذا الجبل في منطقة تيهرت، تدعّم هذا المقال، بزيارة ميدانية إلى منطقة الناظورة (جنوب ولاية تيارت) للوقوف على بعض المعطيات الجغرافية التي تُشير إلى وجود جبل سوفجج في هذه النواحي، ثمّ القيام بتحليلها وفق الإطار التاريخي الذي كَشفته المصادر الإباضية عن هذا الجبل. This article attempts to present a study of the geography of : Sufjjaj Mount, and the historical events arranged in it prior to the establishment of the Rustamid state, by analyzing the uniqueness of the Ibadi sources of information about this generation at that time, and by linking them to the field data that have remained witnesses of its existence, this research is an attempt to determine the linguistic structure of its name, to dismantle it to determine its cognitive connotations, then clarify the source texts in order to discover some clues about its geographical location, and this in the context of the display and discussion of historical events that I associated with this mountain, starting with the flight of Abd al-Rahman ibn Rustom towards it, and the ibadi circumference around it, then besieging Ibn Al-Ash'ath for them on this mountain, at the stage of Abd al-Rahman ibn Rustom moving to the place where the capital was built, and to confirm the geographical presence of this mountain, this document was strengthened by a visit to Nadhourah area (Tiaret State) to discover some of the geographical data that indicate the presence of: Sufjjaj Mountain in this regard, and then analyzing the historical framework revealed by the Ibadi sources on this mountain.

تطرق المقال إلى دراسة الموقف العام للمدرسة الإباضية الأولى من الاجتهاد بالرأي، وموقعها بين مدرستي الرأي والأثر، وذلك ببحث مكانة الرأي والقياس لدى أبرز أعلام هذه المدرسة. وقد اختارت الدراسة القرون الثلاثة الأولى محددا زمنيا، والبصرة وعُمَان محددا مكانيا. وكان المنهج استنباطيا تحليليا للنصوص، ونقديا لبعض المفاهيم والمقولات المنسوبة إلى الإباضية في هذا المجال. وقد أسفر البحث عن نتائج تتجلى أهمها في نقد التصنيف العام للمدرسة الإباضية إلى رأي أو أثر، واختيار التصنيف التدقيقي وفق مناهج أعلامها في الاجتهاد. كما توصلت الدراسة إلى تطور الاجتهاد بالرأي عندهم، والمتمثل في دليل القياس، ليكون أكثر حضورا عند إباضية عمان خلال القرن الثالث، ويستقر العمل به خلال القرن الرابع. The article touched upon the study of the general position of the first Ibadi school of ijtihad by opinion, and its location between the two schools of opinion and Hadith and knowing the status of Qiyas among the most important scholars of Ibadism. The study chose the first three centuries as a chronological determinant, and Basra and Oman as a spatial determinant. The approach adopted was an analytical deduction of the texts, and a critical point of some concepts and visions attributed to the Ibadis in this field.The most important results of the research are represented in the criticism of the general classification of the Ibadi school into an opinion or Hadith, and the choice of auditing classification according to the methods of its scholars. The study also found the development of the Qiyas guide for them, to be more present at the Ibadis of Oman during the third century.