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The internal view of the development of the Ibāḍī movement (125-126); The Khawārij beginnings (126-131); The Tafrīq of the Khawārij (131-136); The period of “intellectual” development (132-136); Proto-Ibāḍism (136-138); The organization of the Daʿwa (138-140); The Omani conversion (140-143); The Ṣufriyya-Ibāḍiyya split (143-144). At the end of his study, Wilkinson concludes: “So it can be seen that while Ibāḍī doctrine might have originated in a non-tribal milieu, it was closely linked with the political ambitions of tribal or national groups in its period of expansion. At a later stage it was able to modify the excesses of the tribal way of life in Oman, but its history was never divorced wholly from tribal politics. Indeed it could not be, for at root the concepts of the Imāma and Wilāya represented a religious transformation of tribal formulations of political power.”
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Arabic text and translation of the last chapter (112-118) of the third part of Kitāb Uṣūl al-Arāḍīn by Abū ‘l-ʿAbbās Aḥmad b. Abī ʿAbdl. Muḥ. b. Abī Bakr [al-Nafūsī]. Mainly on irrigation.
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Oman, as it has been cut off from its neighbours and from western influence unto recent years, seems the right country for studying so-called traditional Islam. But, as soon as it is approached from the ethnographic and social historical point of view, the notion of tradition appears more complex than that can be extracted from religious texts and authorities. It is replaced by that of traditions where political and religious powers interfere. Although many ethnic groups and various religious identities coexist, Oman’s religion is mainly the Ibāḍī Islam marked by an egalitarianism convenient to the “tribe” organization and by the imamate leadership. The social organization and the religious rule were, however, influenced by involvement in maritime trade and dominions in East Africa. Sociological comparisons with Morocco enlight the complex relations which exist and have existed between religion, social organization, economic and political power.
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The events of the Turco-Italian War (1911–1912) presented several complex problems for Germany's diplomatic and economic policies in the Near East. First, the War served as a test of strength for the Triple Alliance, because the Wilhelmstrasse (German foreign ministry) had guaranteed to maintain Italian interests in Tripolitania, but the hostilities threatened to spread into Macedonia where the Wilhelmstrasse had guaranteed Austrian interests. If the status quo of the Balkans was disturbed by the War, then an Austro-Russian diplomatic struggle might ensue, thus requiring German support for Austria-Hungary. The Germans were forced to support Italian interests in Tripolitania, while simultaneously preserving Austrian interests in the Balkans. Under these circumstances, could Germany preserve the solidarity of the Triple Alliance against internal dissension?
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Abstract (p. 57): departing from his book of 1970, the author explains the reasons that made him doubt the validity of Weber’s sociological models and categories for understanding the economic success of Jerban (and Mīzābī) merchants. In a second part of his article the author indicates guidelines for a more objective sociological understanding of the Jerban phenomenon.
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It is perhaps premature to spell out priorities of research in the history of Libya, since bibliographies of what has already been written have not been systematically read, nor even adequately compiled and indexed. The following observations and analyses are, of necessity, based on a cursory reading in a list—compiled by the author on the history of the Arab world and Ottoman Empire (sixteenth through nineteenth centuries)—of some 500 studies done since the 1950s by Arab scholars and historians. The fifties are taken as the period which signalled the achievement of political independence by the Arab States. I realize that individual scholars will be able to make exceptions here or ther to the observations, generalizations, and criticisms which are made in this study. The very exceptions, however, point to the dearth of modern critical scholarship on the history of Libya from the sixteenth through the nineteenth centuries. However, the exceptions which one could point out as models for research to be done, do not in and of themselves amount to trends in research. To date, available histories of Libya are, in the main, focused on political if not outright dynastic history. The focus is usually placed on the peculiarities and the anomalies of political history rather than the primary similarities which make for comparative history. In the remainder of this paper we offer a novitiate's priorities for research under five headings.
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