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الحمد لله والصلاة والسلام على أشرف الأنبياء والمرسلين.. وبعد فالإباضية من أقدم فرق التاريخ الإسلامي ظهور، وصاحبة حركات ثورية، ومواقف سياسية، ومخالفات عقدية انتهجت بها منهج مخالف لعقيدة المسلمين منذ القدم ومازال لها حضور وانتشار في بلاد المشرق والمغرب الإسلامي، وسنتطرق في هذا التقرير إلى نشأتهم الأولى وعقيدتهم وأبرز شخصياتهم، ومدى ارتباطهم وموقفهم من الخوارج، وعليه جاء التقرير مقسم على النحو التالي: التمهيد، وفيه مطلبين: المطلب الأول: تعريف الإباضية، وأبرز شخصياتها. المطلب الثاني: نشأة الإباضية. المبحث الأول: عقائد الإباضية، وأبرز فرقها. المطلب الأول: عقائد الإباضية. المطلب الثاني: فرق الإباضية. المبحث الثاني: موقف الإباضية من الخوارج. المبحث الثالث: حكم أئمة المسلمين على الإباضية.

Following the preaching activities of the Ābāḍiyya jurists in the first half of the second century of the Hijri, the Ābāḍiyya religion was able to attract many followers among the Berber tribes of North Africa. Finally, in the middle of the 2nd century, Ibn Rostam established the Ābāḍiya government in the eastern regions of the Middle Maghreb. According to the principles of the Ābāḍian Bani-Rostam religion, the selection of the imam was based on the council of jurists and tribal sheikhs and the imam could be from any race or tribe. Based on this, Abdurrahman bin Rostam, who was non-Arab and Iranian, and of course she had the conditions for Imamate, was elected as Imam and leader of Abadi religions by the council of sheikhs and jurists. Although apparently Abd al-Wahhab bin Abd al-Rahman also achieved the Imamate of the Ābāḍians through the council, but according to some Abadian jurists, this choice was also a hereditary method and the Imamate was somehow passed from father to son. The method of hereditary Imamate continued in the rule of Bani Rostam until the end of their dynasty, and this issue caused tension and disagreement between some of the Ābāḍi jurists and the rulers of Bani Rostam. This essay will investigate this issue and the challenges faced by Bani-Rostam imams regarding the subject of Imamate with a descriptive-analytical method. The findings showed that due to the main orientation of Bani Rostam rulers in inheriting the government which was influenced by Iranian thought, they faced widespread oppositions and uprisings during their rule.

While most West European nations were formed around pre-existing entities that could be called “countries” before the modern age, this was not the case in the Middle East. Some entities, like Egypt, did have a clear political and cultural identity before colonialism, others, like Algeria, did not. This chapter discusses the four states of the Maghreb: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya, through the perspective of “country creation” going into and coming out of colonial rule. We can see here two “models” of fairly similar types of historical development, one showing a gradual process through a protectorate period to relatively stable modern nations, another through violent conquest and direct colonization ending in violent liberation and military and wealthy but fragile states. The article asks whether these models for the history of country creation and the presence or absence of pre-colonial identities can help explain the modern history and nature of these states in the Arab Spring and the years thereafter. Then, a more tentative attempt is made to apply these models to two countries of the Arab east, Syria and Iraq. While local variations ensure that no model can be transferred directly, it can show the importance of studying the historical factors that go into the transition from geographical region to a country with people that can form the basis of a nation.

Oman and its conflict management model are the focus of this paper. This model has crystalized out of the three stand‐alone but complementary systems of conflict resolution which evolved in an ad hoc fashion: the institute of tribal leaders; the reconciliation committees; and the formal judicial system. These systems offer a foundation for the current efforts of the local people to sustain a peaceful co‐existence among the vibrant and ethnically diverse Omani communities known for their turbulent past. The analyzed data obtained from interviews with Omani tribal leaders, reconciliation committee members, and lawyers shed light on both the strengths of the conflict management model and the modern challenges which the model faces. The findings confirm that this model represents a coherent entity run by an integrated constitutional‐tribal order. They also suggest that the model serves as a state mechanism for balancing power between the country's major players—the government and the institute of tribal leaders. The novel contribution of this paper lies in linking the origin and philosophy of each system with the “mediation identity” of Oman's foreign policy.

New field investigations along the East Tunisian coastline reveal sedimentary deposits and damaged localities that may account for a catastrophic event during the late Holocene. North of Sfax city, ~ 3.4 m high cliff coastal marine and alluvial terraces show 20 to 50-cm-thick chaotic layer with sandy coarse gravels mixed with reworked pebbles, broken shells of gastropods and molluscs, organic matter and Roman pottery. The chaotic layer truncates sandy-silty paleosol, covers Roman settlements and is overlain by fire remains, a thin sandy-silty aeolian unit and ~ 1-m-thick alluvial deposits. Charcoal samples collected at 10 cm below and 4 cm above the catastrophic deposits provide radiocarbon dating that brackets the catastrophic unit between 286 and 370 CE. Other historical investigations on the Roman sites of Neapolis (Nabeul), Hadrumete (Sousse), Thyna (Sfax), Meninx in Girba (Djerba), Wadi Ennouili (Gulf of Gabes), and Sabratha (in Libya) evidenced major damage and abandonment of sites in the fourth century (16, 41, 42, 43, 44). The new identification of catastrophic deposits, offshore-onshore correlations with turbidites and modelling of tsunami waves suggest the relationship with the 21 July 365 tsunamigenic earthquake (Mw ~ 8) of west Crete (Greece) and call for a better estimate of tsunami risk on the Mediterranean coastlines.

Les documents historiques nous révèlent que le 21 juillet de l’an 365, un puissant séisme s’est déclenché au niveau de l’île de Crète, générant un tsunami dont les vagues auraient ravagé les côtes...

Otolith morphological and microchemical analyses are relatively new scientific research methods used in fish stock evaluation and management. However, in Tunisia, only morphological methods have been used. The objective of this study was the Sarpa salpa stock discrimination of Djerba and Kerkennah by the otoliths morphological and microchemical analysis, while carrying out a fluctuating asymmetry analysis and a stock comparison of males and females for each population. The results revealed significant differences between the Djerba and Kerkennah populations, significant differences between the stocks of males and females in each population, and a highly significant fluctuating asymmetry for both populations. The results of the otolith morphological analysis were similar to those of the microchemical analysis. This result proves that both morphological and microchemical analyses are powerful tools for fish stock discrimination.

With the Israel–Gaza conflict threatening to escalate tensions across the Middle East, Omani officials are stepping up their rhetoric in favour of peace, capitalising on their country’s reputation as a regional interlocutor.

Ce séminaire s’insère dans le projet « Faire société : modèles normatifs et hétéronomie dans les islams minoritaires », soutenu par l’Institut français d’islamologie et porté par une équipe internationale. Combinant les méthodes et les sources de l’islamologie avec une approche d’histoire socio-politique, le séminaire s’intéresse aux islams chiites et ibadite. Trop souvent tenus pour périphériques, ils éclairent pourtant aussi, par leurs lectures alternatives des traditions, les modalités même de la constitution du sunnisme. L’enquête de cette année explore la pensée politique et sociale de ces courants à travers les écrits sur la souveraineté et le gouvernement (idéal ou réel). Il déchiffre aussi la documentation disponible sur l’organisation sociale et le rôle des oulémas dans ces mouvements et confronte ces discours avec les institutions effectivement créées.

Ce séminaire s’insère dans le projet « Faire société : modèles normatifs et hétéronomie dans les islams minoritaires », soutenu par l’Institut français d’islamologie et porté par une équipe internationale. Combinant les méthodes et les sources de l’islamologie avec une approche d’histoire socio-politique, le séminaire s’intéresse aux islams chiites et ibadite. Trop souvent tenus pour périphériques, ils éclairent pourtant aussi, par leurs lectures alternatives des traditions, les modalités même de la constitution du sunnisme. L’enquête de cette année explore la pensée politique et sociale de ces courants à travers les écrits sur la souveraineté et le gouvernement (idéal ou réel). Il déchiffre aussi la documentation disponible sur l’organisation sociale et le rôle des oulémas dans ces mouvements et confronte ces discours avec les institutions effectivement créées.

“Avec le temps, on a eu une uniformisation des mosquées. Mais, à l’origine, les malékites ont repris les caractéristiques des mosquées ibadites de