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The Nafūsa Mountains, known as a stronghold of Berber Ibadism, have developed an extremely rich vernacular architecture. Little rural mosques abound in the jabal, which may occasionally go back to the eight or ninth centuries AD. Some mosques are associated with scholars or chiefs quoted in mediaeval Ibadi texts, or with the Christian past of the region. Many are semi-subterranean and present in the prayer hall noteworthy decorations carved out of the plastering. The three remaining communal fortified granaries also are of particular interest. All those Ibadi buildings will be studied in a forthcoming publication.
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Objective :The aim of this study was to document the diversity and use of natural plants in the island of Djerba (Tunisia) in traditional pharmacopoeia and other uses in order to develop an ethnobotanical catalogue that could subsequently be the subject of scientific research.Materials and Methods: The technique of semi-structured interviews was used with people originating and residing or not in Djerba. Occasional conversations and direct observations were exploited for one year.Results: We have identified 86 plants out of 122 mentioned belonging to 80 genera and 43 families. Asteraceae were the most important family represented by 13 species followed by Lamiaceae and Poaceae (7 species each). The results showed that 45 species have medicinal uses (52.32%). Leaves were the most used parts (59% of species for medicinal use). Decoction was the most common method for preparing remedies.Conclusion: This study provides an important source of information for flora valorization in the studied region. The results could form a database for the search of new natural substances with added value.
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Since the remarkably strong increase in scholarly activity concerning research on the Ibadiyya in the recent decades it is high time to provide insight into the topical state of affairs. The present volume is devoted in particular to the study of Ibadi history and its sources, thus covering the long period of time from early Islam to our days, and extending geographically from the Indian Ocean region to the Mediterranean. Scholars from all over the world deal in their contributions to this volume with a great variety of topics and approaches, thereby revealing in several respects the challenging character of this field of research, just to mention the question of regional specifics and interrelations of the dispersed Ibadi community, the filling of information gaps in its historical narrative, or the reconstruction of sources and their appropriate interpretation. In that way this book also may serve as an ample source of inspiration to future research on Ibadi history
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Shaykh Ibrâhîm b. ‘Umar Bayyûḍ of Wâdî Mzâb (1899-1981), leader of Ibâḍî reformism in Algeria after the death of Muḥammad b. Yûsuf Aṭfiyyash (1820-1914), delivered a public commentary on the Qur’an from 1935-1980, which was recorded beginning with Sûra 17:70. Shaykh Bayyûḍ claimed to follow the goals and methodology of Muḥammad ‘Abduh and Rashîd Riḍâ’s Tafsîr al-Manâr. This article analyzes Shaykh Bayyûḍ’s commentary in comparison to, on the one hand, Aṭfiyyash’s two Qur’an commentaries (Hamayân al-zâd ilâ dâr al-ma‘âd and Taysîr al-tafsîr), in order to determine its relationship to earlier modern Ibâḍî reformism, and, on the other hand, to Tafsîr al-Manâr, in order to determine its relationship to that strand of Sunni reformism. It finds that Bayyûḍ’s commentary, like Tafsîr al-Manâr, promotes Islamic unity and eschews theological dogmatism, while attacking customs deemed antithetical to Islamic teaching and making sometimes lengthy digressions on topics of contemporary social and political importance. Nonetheless, Bayyûḍ remains faithful to Ibâḍî doctrine on topics on which Ibâḍîs and Sunnis differ, and there is little evidence that he argued for Islam’s compatibility with liberal values ; on the contrary, at several points in his commentary he states that modern ideas and customs constitute a real threat to Islam.
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Abstract This article examines the significant yet largely overlooked role of the Mzabis, a community from the northern edges of the Algerian desert, in Algerian and Tunisian anticolonialism and nationalism. In so doing, it pursues two aims: first, to shed light on the importance of Tunis to the politicization of the Mzabis in the 1920s and to their induction into local and regional anticolonial and national movements; and second, to highlight the tensions of subsuming regional identities into overarching national identities by focusing on Mzabi political activists’ negotiation of the relationship between the Mzab and Algeria as a national project. The article also explores the spectrum of political possibilities and alternatives envisioned by Mzabis as they participated in religious reform, anticolonial, and nationalist movements. This spectrum, I argue, conveys the fluid relationship between local, national, and regional identities, thus undermining teleological readings of national identity formation.
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In the spring of 1902, Miryam bint Lalu Partush appealed to military representatives in Ghardaïa, in the Mzab Valley (a valley of five fortified oasis cities in the northern Algerian Sahara, six hundred kilometers south of Algiers), for the paperwork that would allow her to undertake a six-month pilgrimage to Jerusalem with her husband, the wealthy merchant Musa (Moshe) bin Ibrahim Partush. Miryam Partush was unusual in possessing the means for such a rare, costly voyage; but notwithstanding her class, Partush's legal status was typical of most Muslims and southern Algerian Jews in Algeria. She was not a citizen, nor did she hold official papers of any kind. When Miryam Partush appealed to the military authorities in Ghardaïa, then, she was appealing for many things: for the right to leave her native valley and travel to the port of Algiers; for the papers that would allow her to cross colonial boundaries; and for the documentation that would register her liminal legal identity. Authorizing her travel, Algeria's governor-general named Partush a “non-naturalized Jew from the Mzab.” Thus did Partush embark on her six-month journey with a negative legal identity: this Jewish woman was definable, in the eyes of the law, only by what she did not possess.
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