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Résumés

Serreli, V. (2018). Globalization in the periphery: Arabization and the changing status of Siwi Berber in the oasis of Siwa. Sociolinguistic Studies, 12(2), 231–250. https://doi.org/10.1558/sols.35565
Baldinetti, A. (2014). Identità nazionale e riconoscimento delle minoranze in Libia: le richieste della società civile. In E. Diodato & F. Guazzini (Eds.), La guerra ai confini d’Europa: incognite e prospettive mediterranee per l’Italia (pp. 103–119). Carocci Editore.

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Francesca, E. (2019). Loi et théologie dans l’ibāḍisme. École pratique des hautes études. Section des sciences religieuses, (126), 379–388. https://doi.org/10.4000/asr.2957

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Love Jr, P. M. (2019). [Review of Ibāḍī Texts from the 2nd/8th Century, by A. al-Salimi & W. Madelung]. Al-Masāq, 31(1), 121–122. https://doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2019.1567761

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Żbik, S. (2019). „Dla ibadytów z Omanu i Zanzibaru”. Formy wsparcia wspólnoty ibadyckiej przez Arabów z Zanzibaru na podstawie wybranych waqfów i testamentów z lat 1890-1964. Afryka, (49), 111–134. http://cejsh.icm.edu.pl/cejsh/element/bwmeta1.element.desklight-c512847a-4e53-491c-a580-c23b367cb644

The wills and waqfs (inalienable endowments) of Arabs from Zanzibar show various forms of support for the Ibadi community in Zanzibar, Oman and Mecca. Helping mosques, buying meals for fasting people and the poor, support for the pilgrims are just a few examples of this activity. Although it did not differ from the similar measures adopted by other Muslim communities, it pointed out profound relations between Oman and Zanzibar, the role of women in the Arab community in East Africa, and the changes that took place in this community in years 1890-1964, as well as within Oman and Zanzibar.

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Merabti, S. (2019). Ruling in the Name of the Revolution: The Local Grounding of Non-State Armed Groups in Western Libya. University of Salento. http://siba-ese.unisalento.it/index.php/idps/article/view/20270/17517

Since the fall of the Qadhafi regime, Libyan armed groups have emerged as the de facto power holders in many parts of the country. Much of the existing research on Libyan non-state armed groups has looked at the relation between the armed groups and the central authorities, or between the armed groups and other powerful actors. This article is based on fieldwork in four cities in Western Libya and shows that the armed groups should be understood as locally grounded actors. Several armed groups from local communities are seen as legitimate powerholders, because of their role during and after the revolution. Many of the armed groups also originate from the same ethnic and social group as the people they set out to rule, which creates a tacit social contract between the militias and the local population. I argue that the main factor which determines how the rule of armed groups in Libya plays out is the legacy of the Qhadafi regime and the revolution. This may have implications for the future organization of the Libyan state.

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Makin, A. (2013). From Musaylima to the Khārijite Najdiyya. Al-Jami’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies, 51(1), 33. https://doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2013.511.33-60

<p>This paper tries to reconstruct the following accounts: the defeat of Musaylima and the death of his prominent followers, and the rise of the Khārijite Najdiyya in Yamama. Moreover, this study seeks the evidence which points to the possible connection between Musaylima’s movement and the Khārijite Najdiyya. This paper highlights that many founders and prominent leaders of the Khārijites, and particularly the Najdiyya sect, came from the tribe of Ḥanīfa, to which Musaylima belonged. This, among other things, seems to have become the main impulse of attraction for the people of Ḥanīfa to join the sect. Additionally, the ‘characteristics’ and the ‘image’ of the Najdiyya reflect those of Musaylima. This leads us to conjecture that the people of Ḥanīfa, having failed to defend their prophet Musaylima and the land of Yamāma against the Medinan caliphate under Abū Bakr in the Battle of ‘Aqraba, later joined the Khārijite Najdiyya.</p><p> [Artikel ini menjelaskan kekalahan Musaylima dan kematian pengikut-pengikut utamanya serta kemunculan aliran Khawārij Najdiyya di Yamāma. Melalui artikel ini, penulis membuktikan relasi antara gerakan Musaylima dan Khawārij Najdiyya. Ini bisa dibuktikan dengan mencermati fakta bahwa sebagian pendiri dan tokoh utama Khawārij, utamanya sekte Najdiyya, berasal dari suku Ḥanīfa suku yang juga menjadi asal muasal Musaylima. Kesamaan suku inilah dan beberapa faktor lainnya nampaknya menjadi daya tarik tersendiri bagi orang-orang suku Ḥanīfa untuk bergabung dengan sekte Najdiyya. Selain itu, ‘karakteristik’ dan ‘imej’ sekte Najdiyya yang menyerupai gerakan Musaylima adalah hal lain yang turut menguatkan asumsi tersebut. Pandangan inilah yang kemudian mengantarkan penulis pada kesimpulan bahwa setelah gagal mempertahankan nabi mereka, Musaylima, dan wilayah mereka, Yamāma, melawan khilafah Islam di Madinah yang dipimpin Abū Bakr, suku Ḥanīfa memilih memberontak dan bergabung dengan sekte Khawārij Najdiyya.]</p>

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Pennachietti, F. (2011). Il sistema preposizionale del berbero nefûsi di Fassâto. In A. Mettouchi (Ed.), “Parcours berbères”: mélanges offerts à Paulette Galand-Pernet et Lionel Galand pour leur 90e anniversaire (pp. 505–520). Köppe.

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Akkuş, S., & Doğruyol, F. (2019). Bir İbâzî Âlim Ebû Ya’kûb el-Vercelânî’nin ed-Delîl ve’l-Burhân’ı Bağ- lamında İbâzıyye’nin Temel Görüşleri. Journal of Sakarya University Faculty of Theology, 21(39), 117–147. https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/download/article-file/736139

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Miles, R. (Ed.). (2016). The Donatist Schism: controversy and contexts. Liverpool University Press.

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Gamoudi, M. (2010). Le printemps du Jabal Nafusa. Med Ali Éd. Fonds Martin Custers.

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العجيلي, غ. م. ر. (2014). حكم سلالة اليعاربة في عمان: دراسة في التاريخ السياسي، 1624-1749 م. الدار العربية للموسوعات.
Morton, M. Q. (2013). Buraimi: the struggle for power, influence and oil in Arabia. I.B. Tauris.

"Buraimi is an oasis in an otherwise bleak desert on the border between Oman and the UAE. In the early twentieth century, it shot to notoriety as oil brought the world's attention to this corner of the Arabian Peninsula, and the ensuing battle over energy resources between regional and global superpowers began. In this lively account, Michael Quentin Morton tells the story of how the power of oil and the conflicting interests of the declining British Empire and the United States all came to a head with the conflict between Great Britain and Saudi Arabia, shaping the very future of the Gulf states. The seeds of conflict over Buraimi were sown during the oil negotiations of 1933 in Jedda, where the international oil companies vied for control of the future industry in the Arabian Peninsula. As a result of lengthy discussions, including the efforts of men such as St John Philby and Ibn Saud himself, the Saudis granted an oil concession for Eastern Arabia without precisely defining the geographical limits of the area to be conceded. Matters came to a head in 1949 when Saudi Arabia made claim to the territory, and Great Britain, acting on behalf of Oman and Abu Dhabi, challenged the actions of the Saudis. Attempts at arbitration failed, and only one year before Britain's defeat over the Suez Canal, Britain expelled Saudi Arabia from the oasis. In the wake of Britain's withdrawal 'East of Suez' in the early 1970s, the dispute was apparently solved between Saudi Arabia and the UAE. But whilst the controversy dominated Anglo-Saudi relations for more than 30 years, it still casts its shadow across the Gulf today, threatening to expose the fragility of the West's ever-present dependency on the region for its supply of oil. Morton brings a range of historical figures to life, from the American oilmen arriving in steamy Jedda in the 1930s, to the rival sheikhs of Buraimi itself competing for power, wealth and allegiances as well as the great players in world politics: Churchill, Truman and Ibn Saud. This entertaining and thoroughly researched book is both a story of a decisive conflict in the history of Middle East politics and also of the great changes that the discovery of oil brought to this previously desolate land." Présentation de l'éditeur

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Baṭṭāṭ, M. H. (2014). al-Fikr al-siyāsī ʻinda al-khawārij (al-Ṭabʻah al-ūlá). Dār Dijlah. Fonds Martin Custers.

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Barāshidī, M. ibn S. ibn Ḥamad. (2013). al-Ḥayāt al-ʻilmīyah bi-Umān fī ʻahd al-Yaʻāribah, 1034 H / 1624 M ilá 1157 H 1744 M (al-Ṭabʻah al-ūlá). Dār al-Farqad lil-Ṭibāʻah wa-al-Nashr wa-al-Tawzīʻ. Fonds Martin Custers.
Baḥrānī, ʿImād b. Jāsim al-. (2011). al-Awḍāʿ al-Siyāsiyya al-ʿUmāniyya fī ʿAhd al-Sulṭān Fayṣal b. Turkī (1888-1913 M.). Nīnawà li’l-Dirāsāt wa’l-Nashr wa’l-Tawzīʿ. Fonds Martin Custers.
Bādī, ʿAbdallāh b. Ḥamad al-. (2014). تعيين و ترسيم الحدود البرية بين عمان و اليمن. Sultan Qaboos University. Fonds Martin Custers.
Salīmī, M. b. M. al-, & Salīmiyya, M. bint Ḥabrās al-. (2015). al-ʿAllāma Ibr. b. Saʿīd al-ʿIbrī Shāʿiran wa-Adīban. In M. b. ʿĀmir b. S. al-ʿAysarī (Ed.), al-ʿAllāma Ibr. b. Saʿīd al-ʿIbrī: Ḥayātuhu wa-Fikaruhu (pp. 93–112). Bayt al-Ghashshām li’l-Nashr wa’l-Tarjama. Fonds Martin Custers.
Saʿdī, F. b. ʿAlī b. H. al-. (2015). al-Simāt al-Manhajiyya li-Fiqh al-Shaykh Ibr. b. Saʿīd al-ʿIbrī. In M. b. ʿĀmir b. S. al-ʿAysarī (Ed.), al-ʿAllāma Ibr. b. Saʿīd al-ʿIbrī: Ḥayātuhu wa-Fikaruhu (pp. 17–46). Bayt al-Ghashshām li’l-Nashr wa’l-Tarjama. Fonds Martin Custers.
ʿIbrī, ʿAlī b. Hilāl al-. (2015). al-Taʿrīf bi-Mawsūʿat al-Āthār al-ʿIlmiyya li’l-Shaykh al-ʿAllāma al-Shaykh Ibr. b. Saʿīd al-ʿIbrī. In M. b. ʿĀmir b. S. al-ʿAysarī (Ed.), al-ʿAllāma Ibr. b. Saʿīd al-ʿIbrī: Ḥayātuhu wa-Fikaruhu (pp. 47–66). Bayt al-Ghashshām li’l-Nashr wa’l-Tarjama. Fonds Martin Custers.

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