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After the table of contents of vol. 1, thirteen pages with panegyrics by: ʿAbdl. b. ʿAlī al-Khalīlī, Mūsà b. Sālim al-Ruwāḥī, Ḥabrās b. Shubayṭ, Hilāl b. Sālim al-Siyābī, Abū Surūr [Ḥumayyid b.ʿAbdl. b. Ḥumayyid b. Surūr al-ʿUmānī], Aḥm. b. ʿAbdl. al-Ḥārithī, Hāshim b. ʿĪsà al-Ṭā’ī, Aḥm. b. Ḥamad al-Khalīlī, Muftī of Oman. Then five pages from the MS of the author, with a portrait of him. The Qaṣīda with the title of the book is on pp. 396-413 of vol. 1. The work was completed 4 Rab. II 1403/1983. The author lists Omani poets from the earliest times to the 21st century, with emphasis on the period from the 13th/19th century onwards. He gives examples of their poetry, says a few words on every poet, and on occasion makes short excursions on certain events, areas, tribes and sub-sections of tribes. In volume 2 for example, there is an excursion on the conquest of Oman by Mālik b. Fahm b. Ghānim b. Dūs al-Azdī al-Dūsī and his death at the hand of his son Sulayma when he was 120 years old (pp. 173-178). In this same volume, on pp. 191-197, he lists the Nabāhina kings until 1024/1615, and, speaking of the Nabāhina, he comes to speak of Ḥimyar b. Nāṣir b. Sayf b. Sul. b. Ḥimyar al-Nabhānī (1291-Jum. II 1338/1874-5 - 1920), whose father died 19 Dhū ‘l-Qaʿda 1293/1876, and on the discord between Sul. b Ḥimyar [al-Riyāmī] (d. 1998, a few years after his return to Oman from exile. See Mershen 2001) and Imam Ghālib b. ʿAlī al-Hinā’ī, (Imam 1954), who had to flee to Dammam in Saudi Arabia a few years later, together with his brother Ṭālib (who died in Cairo in 1401/1980-1) when Sultan Saʿīd b. Taymūr conquered the interior of Oman. On pp. 201-216 the author gives a list of the Imams of the Āl Yaḥmad and the Banū Kharūṣ (who are from the Āl Yaḥmad), who started governing Oman after the Julanda. On pp. 221-226, a list of the Yaʿāriba Imams, then of the rulers of the Āl Bū Saʿīd (pp. 226-242), with on pp. 242-243 a few words on Barghash b. Saʿīd al-Būsaʿīdī, Sultan of Zanzibar from 1870 to 1888. Khuṣaybī arranged the poets he lists in Ṭabaqas. The first Ṭabaqa are poets with Dīwāns, either printed or in manuscript, Majmūʿas or Muqaṭṭaʿāt. The second Ṭabaqa is of poets with Majmūʿas of poetry or Muqaṭṭaʿāt, but with almost no Dīwāns. The third Ṭabaqa are poets who composed panegyrics for Imams, kings and Emirs, with Dīwāns, printed or not, Majmūʿāt or Muqaṭṭaʿāt. The fourth Ṭabaqa is composed of the most famous poets, whose poems have been noted down and printed. Then, in the fifth Ṭabaqa, the author lists brilliant poets and scholars who wrote Urjūzas on al-Adyān wa’l-Aḥkām, Siyar, etc. In the sixth Ṭabaqa we see scholars and judges in the 14th/20th century, who wrote poems on all sorts of subjects, but who wrote no Urjūzas on al-Adyān wa’l-Aḥkām. Finally, in the seventh Ṭabaqa, Khuṣaybī lists poets who live in the 15th/21st century and wrote mainly questions and answers in rhyme on Fiqh, literature, etc. As for his sources, Khuṣaybī mentions them seldomly. Apart from the information he gathered himself, he quotes from Sālimī: Tuḥfat al-Aʿyān, Sālimī: Nahḍat al-Aʿyān, Ibn Ruzayq: al-Fatḥ al-Mubīn, Ibr. b. Saʿīd al-ʿIbrī’: Tabṣirat al-Muʿtabarīn, Anonymous: Kashf al-Ghumma. Although many of the poets listed (especially those living into the 21st century) produced poetry of a pure artistic nature, I copied the poets Khuṣaybī lists in this bibliography, because many of them were in their poetry inspired by local historical events, composed poems in praise of Imams and Sultans, and other persons or tribes or places. Zubayr 1991 clearly must have used Khuṣaybī’s work, and he is also quoted in Fārisī, Nāṣir b. Manṣūr 1994.

Short comments on sources for the history of Oman, i.e. Omani Siyar works, written by contemporary Omani politicians or scholars (such as Sīrat al-Bisyānī); the Nasab sources which deal with the history of Oman in a genealogical framework (such as al-ʿAwtabī’s Ansāb al-ʿArab); and the local chronicles which deal with the history of Oman in chronological order (such as al-Izkawī’s Kashf al-Ghumma). Of the first category the following works are mentioned: the Sīra of Shabīb b. ʿAṭiyya al-ʿUmānī; the Sīra of Abī ‘l-Mu’thir al-Ṣalt b. Khamīs al-Kharūṣī: K. al-Aḥdāth wa’l-Ṣifāt; the Sīra of Abū ‘l-Ḥasan ʿAlī b. Muḥ. al-Bisyānī: al-Ḥujja ʿalà man abṭala al-Su’āl fī ‘l-Ḥadath al-wāqiʿ bi-ʿUmān; the Sīra of Aḥm. b. ʿAbdl. al-Riqayshī al-Izkawī: Miṣbāḥ al-Ẓalām. Of the second category, the Nasab works: Abū ‘l-Mundhir Salma b. Muslim al-ʿAwtabī al-Ṣuḥārī: K. Ansāb al-ʿArab. And of the local chronicles: Sirḥān b. Saʿīd al-Izkawī: Kashf al-Ghumma al-jāmiʿ li-Akhbār al-Umma; Ibn al-Ruzayq: al-Fatḥ al-Mubīn fī Sīrat al-Sāda al-Būsaʿīdiyyīn; ʿAbdl. b. Ḥumayyid al-Sālimī: Tuḥfat al-Aʿyān bi-Sīrat Ahl ʿUmān.

On page 171: a description of the contents of the 40 paragraphs of the MS the author studied for his article (Kashf al-Ghumma). Pp. 179-186: the text of chapter 22 (Dhikr Intishār al-Madhhab al-Ibāḍī bi-Arḍ al-Maghrib wa-Dhikr A’immatihim wa-ʿUlamā’ihim).

Conclusion (p. 48): the agrarian system which existed in Oman in the period under consideration (the first Ibāḍī state, 132-280/749-893), together with fishing and pearling and maritime trade, enabled the country to establish a base for economic self-reliance. This was manifested in a tendency to resist central authority. The Aflāj irrigation system in its Omani context made it possible for its users to be more independent and to have more influence over the local authorities. Ibāḍism seems to have reflected these two tendencies well enough for the Omanis to adopt it. Both classical Arabic and Omani sources reflect this situation and, taken together, provide a detailed description which illuminates various aspects of the agrarian economy that existed in Oman during this period.

Abstract at the beginning of the article: this paper intends to shed light on the agrarian economy in Oman and how it formed a base for democratic tendencies there 132-280/749-893, when the first independent state was established. The Falaj (pl. Aflāj) is an irrigation system where water is carried from source to the user area. Depending on such a system, agriculture in Oman thrived in comparison to the surrounding areas. The way the irrigation system is administered and the relatively ample agricultural products, together with other factors, established a real base for democratic tendencies. Ibāḍism was to a great extent a reflection of such a situation. Chapters on (the administration of) the Aflāj irrigation system, agricultural products, and Ibāḍism.

This paper investigates cultural interactions between the Soninke of Ghana (or Wagadu kingdom) and the Maghribī Ibāḍiyya in the western Sudan, from about a century before, to approximately a century after the Almoravid confederation in the western Sahara. From the late 8th and early 9th centuries, the Ibāḍiyya, together with other Berberophone populations, moved south into the upper Senegal and Niger river regions, primarily engaging in commercial and missionary activities. They usually stayed in towns or Muslim quarters near urban settlements such as Tahert, Wargla, and Gao, where they came into contact with Soninke traders. The degree to which Soninke-speakers may have been influenced by the Ibāḍī religion is not clear, but available evidence suggests that some pre-Almoravid conversions occurred. However, after the 11th century, the Almoravids effectively removed most traces of the Ibāḍī doctrine (Catalogue African Studies Centre, Leiden).

Pp. 248-250: Khārijism, a revolutionary doctrine. Pp. 250-252: The Ṣufrite kingdoms. Pp. 252-254: The Ibāḍite kingdoms. Then follow: The decline of Khārijism and the founding of the Idrīsid kingdom; The first attempt at independence in Ifrīqiyā; External relations; Society and culture (Density and variety of population; The social strata; Religious and racial osmosis; Language, arts and sciences; Religious thought).

While acknowledging that sub-Saharan Africa was the site of early food production, this paper evaluates the evidence that the production of some North-African Mediterranean and Asian food crops was introduced into West Africa by the little known Ibāḍiyya -the oldest of all Islamic sects- from Maghribian communities, possibly between the 8th and 16th centuries. In answering the question “how” or “by what process” Maghrib foods were diffused across the Sahara, the paper argues for the existence of Ibāḍī diasporas before the 10th century when Trans-Saharan commercial networks first began to be organized, thereby fueling important changes in the desert’s political economy (Catalogue African Studies Centre, Leiden).

Personal impressions of the author, who as a medical doctor spent 27 months in Chake, the capital of Pemba, of a small Ibāḍī community he became befriended with. One of his informants was the old sheikh Said Mohammed Mbaruk.