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Abstracts

Francesca, E. (2005). Early Ibāḍī jurisprudence: sources and case law. Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, 30, 231–263. Fonds Martin Custers.

Based on: Sadūsī, Abū ‘l-Khaṭṭāb Qatāda b. Diʿāma: Aqwāl Qatāda (see especially pp. 234-236); Azdī, Abū ‘l-Shaʿthā’ Jābir b. Zayd: Jawābāt Abī ‘l-Shaʿthā’ Jābir b. Zayd (see especially pp. 237-242); Rabīʿ b. Ḥabīb: K. al-Āthār and Futyā al-Rabīʿ b. Ḥabīb (see especially pp. 243-246); Ibn Ghānim, Abū Ghānim Bishr [b. Ghānim] al-Khurāsānī: al-Mudawwana (see especially pp. 246-248).

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Francesca, E. (2003). The formation and early development of the Ibāḍī madhhab. Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, 28, 260–277. Fonds Martin Custers.

P. 261: the aim of this study is to analyze the origins and the development of the Ibāḍī Madhhab and its relationship to the Sunnī schools in the early centuries of Islam. There are some important questions connected with this issue, for example, whether or not the Ibāḍī Fiqh developed independently of the Sunnī Fiqh, what was the role of the early Ibāḍī authorities and whether or not the position attributed to Jābir b. Zayd in the formation of Ibāḍī Fiqh could be accepted. I would argue that the solution depends on a critical analysis of Ibāḍī literature. It is possible, I would submit, to place these questions in the context of Islamic social and legal history. My research is based on the Ibāḍī Ṭabaqāt and Fiqh works and mainly on some Ibāḍī manuscripts, whose content seems to be early. Not only will the analysis of these texts make the process of establishment of the Ibāḍī Madhhab clearer, it will also provide a much stronger basis for the study of the early centuries of Islam. Pp. 263-264: the early Ibāḍī MSS the author refers to, and which contain Jābir b. Zayd’s legal responses and traditions, are: Jawābāt Jābir b. Zayd, Āthār al-Rabīʿ b. Ḥabīb and Futyà al-Rabīʿ b. Ḥabīb, the Traditions reported by ʿAmr b. Dīnār and ʿAmr b. Harim in parts 5 and 6 of the MS entitled Aqwāl Qatāda b. Diʿāma, K. al-Ṣalāt transmitted by Ḥabīb b. Abī Ḥabīb al-Jarmī from ʿAmr b. Harim from Jābir, included in the last part of the Aqwāl, the K. al-Nikāḥ, included in K. Nikāḥ al-Shighār by ʿAbdl. b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. All these works, with the exception of Jawābāt Jābir b. Zayd, are part of a collection of Ibāḍī MSS known as al-Dīwān al-maʿrūḍ ʿalà ‘l-ʿUlamā’ al-Ibāḍiyya, which is the principal source on Ibāḍī jurisprudence in the first centuries of Islam.

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Ould-Braham, O. (2009). Lemmes en berbère ancien provenant d’un glossaire berbéro-arabe et d’une œuvre ibâḍite-berbère médiévale. Études et Documents Berbères, 28, 7–22. Fonds Martin Custers.

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Ould-Braham, O. (2008). Sur un nouveau manuscrit ibâḍite-berbère : La Mudawwana d’Abû Ġânim al-Ḫurâsânî traduite en berbère au Moyen Âge. Études et Documents Berbères, 27, 47–71. Fonds Martin Custers.

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Salimi, A. al-. (2009). The Wajīhids of Oman. Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, 39, 373–381. Fonds Martin Custers.

The downfall of the first Omani imamate in 280/885 represented the beginning of clashes between Ibāḍī ideology and the emerging family dynasties in different Omani provinces. The dynastic rulers sought to abolish the imamate system in the country, which led to serious conflict between distinguished political families and Ibāḍī scholars. Perhaps Wajīhid's reign in the fourth/tenth century symbolizes this best. This important family's rule of the country brought about fundamental changes in the areas of politics and commerce, which in turn has occupied the interest of many historians and archaeologists. This paper focuses on the emergence of the Wajīhid, their relations with Omani Ibāḍīs, and the subsequent political and economical changes in Oman. Finally, the paper examines this development in relation to the centre of the caliphate in Baghdad, the Būyids and Qarmatians (Carmathians).

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Salimi, A. al-. (2005). Makramid rule in Oman. Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, 35, 247–253. Fonds Martin Custers.

The politico-economic involvement of Omani families in the Gulf region in the period of Makramid rule in Oman (385–442/995–1050) deserves further study. My research into this family has highlighted the political involvement of Oman in the interaction between the Gulf and Iran in this period. It also revealed another dimension, i.e. shipping through the Gulf and the use by Omani families of the old trade routes, starting from Soḥār, to Sīrāf and thence to al-Ābilah, and ending in Baṣrah. The trade network linking all these cities was mostly operated by the ships owned by Omani families and run by their employees. Although the Makramids dominated this trade, it should be noted that other Omani families were also involved in it. The weakness of Makramid rule was mainly due to the family's concentration on economic activities and its reluctance to become involved in military action. Consequently, they remained under Buyid authority throughout their rule in the coastal region of Oman. Yet we cannot deny that Mihiyār's praise of the Makramids for protecting and defending Oman referred to genuine actions on their part and was not simply empty compliments. Makramid rule defended coastal Oman effectively and extended into other parts of the country, especially under Abū ʾl-Qāsim and his son Abū ʾl-Jaysh. I conclude this paper with a table of the Makramid dynasty.

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Salimi, A. al-. (2002). Different succession chronologies of the Nabhānī dynasty in Oman. Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, 32, 259–268. Fonds Martin Custers.

This paper examines the period from the 12th to the 17th centuries when Oman was ruled by the Nabhānī dynasty. Though the origin and history of this state remain largly obscure, some facts may be deduced from the historical records of Oman. Recent researchers have claimed that Omani historians have paid more attention to the influence of religion on Omani historical writing than to other important aspects of this dynasty's history. However, it should be noted that Omani chronicles hardly predate the 17th century, so even major events before that remain largely unrecorded, and Omani historians cannot be blamed for the consequent lack of documentation. This paper presents a new hypothesis on the origin of the Nabhānī dynasty, based on a re-examiniation of the various available sources such as fiqh, poetry and histories, and points out some of the pitfalls which await the unwary researcher in this field.

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Yacoubi Loueslati, B., Cherni, L., Khodjet-Elkhil, H., Ennafaa, H., Pereira, L., Amorim, A., Ben Ayed, F., & Benammar Elgaaied, A. (2006). Islands Inside an Island: Reproductive Isolates on Jerba Island. American Journal of Human Biology, 18(1), 149–153. https://doi.org/10.1002/ajhb.20473

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Prevost, V. (2006). La révolte de Bāġāya (358/969): le dernier soulèvement des ibāḍites maghrébins. Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 65(3), 197–206. Fonds Martin Custers. https://doi.org/10.1086/508576

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Prevost, V. (2007). Antīğān, un toponyme ibadite chez al-Idrisi. Al-Andalus Magreb, (14), 139–147. Fonds Martin Custers. https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo?codigo=2493004

In his short description of the western part of the island of Jerba, al-Idrīsī (in his K. Nuzhat al-Mushtāq fī Ikhtirāq al-Āfāq) mentions Antījān. This toponym is well known by the Ibāḍite historians since the first Jerban Ḥalqa was founded at this place at the end of the 11th century.

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Stroomer, H. (2004). Harsusi texts from Oman: based on the field materials of T.M. Johnstone (T. M. Johnstone, Ed.). Harrassowitz Verlag.

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Allen, Jr, C. H., & Rigsbee II, W. L. (2000). Oman Under Qaboos: From Coup to Constitution, 1970-1996. Frank Cass.

This is an examination of the political, economic and social development of Oman from the accession Sultan Qaboos in a palace coup in 1970 to the promulation of the basic law of 1996. The book argues that the sultanate does not follow the ""rentier"" model but the patriarchal tradition.
Ghabbāsh, Ḥusayn. (2006). Oman: the Islamic democratic tradition. Routledge.

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Bandyopadhyay, S., & Sibley, M. (2003). The distinctive typology of central Omani mosques: its nature and antecedents. Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, 33, 99–116. Fonds Martin Custers. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41223756

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Bandyopadhyay, S. (2000). From the twilight of cultural memory: the būmah in the mosques of central Oman. Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, 30, 13–25. Fonds Martin Custers. https://doi.org/10.2307/41223693

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Bandyopadhyay, S. (2005). Diversity in unity: an analysis of the settlement structure of Ḥārat al-ʿAqr, Nizwā (Oman). Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, 35, 19–36. Fonds Martin Custers. https://doi.org/10.2307/41219366

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Hoffman, V. J. (2008). The Ibāḍīs. In The Islamic World (pp. 235–245). Routledge. Fonds Martin Custers.

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Sears, S. (2002). Umayyad Partisan or Kharijite Rebel?: The Issue of ’Abd al-’Aziz b. MDWL(?). Studia Iranica, (1), 71–78. Fonds Martin Custers. https://doi.org/10.2143/SI.31.1.278

the discovery of an early Muslim drahm reveals the name legend of a previously unknown ruler. The legend may be read as ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. MDWL? This ruler struck the coin in Iṣṭakhr in 61 H./680-81 during the second Fitna. Questions, nevertheless, surround his identity and political loyalties.

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Kechichian, J. A. (2007). [Review of The Emergence of States in a Tribal Society: Oman under Sa’id bin Taymur, 1932-1970by Uzi Rabi, by U. Rabi]. The International History Review, 29(4), 894–896. https://doi.org/10.2307/40110959

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Ochsenwald, W. (2008). [Review of Uzi Rabi. The Emergence of States in a Tribal Society: Oman under Sa‘id bin Taymur, 1932–1970 .:The Emergence of States in a Tribal Society: Oman under Sa ^ʕ id bin Taymur, 1932–1970, by U. Rabi]. The American Historical Review, 113(2), 618–619. https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.618

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