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The tower-fortress on the Oman Peninsula have always been a mystery to archeologists. A total of 15 tower-houses have been excavated or surveyed by archeologists in the past decades and yet their purpose inside the settlements is still poorly understood. This thesis analyzes and evaluates the existing theories about the tower-houses and offers an alternative theory by taking into account the locations, sizes and construction techniques of these buildings, using the survey and excavation rapports. The origins of the tower-fortresses can be found as early as the end of the fourth millennium B.C., when the settlement pattern on the Oman Peninsula shifts from the coast to the hinterland. The shift from the coast to the oasis brought a diversification of resources as well as a tighter appropriation of space. Combined with an increase in the copper trade at the beginning of the third millennium, this induced more complexity in the social system. The form of social organization which emerged on the Oman Peninsula due to these factors, was one which was in a liminal stage between a chiefdom and a state society, called a stratified non-state society. The tower-fortress of the Oman Peninsula functioned in such a society as dwellings and locus of regional power of a particular family or moiety. The few towers that have been excavated show many similarities, such as: he positioning of the towers within the settlements, the usage of a platform on which the towers rest, the interior of the platform consisting of two rows of chambers divided by a corridor or well, the ditches surrounding the towers and thus separating them from the rest of the settlement, the fact that all of the towers could only have been accessed by a ramp, etc. All of these similarities indicate specialization and one has to wonder if the possibility exists of a specialized class of tower-builders, travelling from settlement to settlement
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Akdeniz’in iki yakasında birbirlerine paralel bir şekilde bölgesel bir güç olarak ortaya çıkan Osmanlılar ve Habsburglar 16. yüzyıl boyunca sürecek esaslı bir emperyal rekabete girişecek ve peşlerinden dönemin diğer siyasi ve askeri aktörlerini de sürükleyerek bir cihan hakimiyeti kavgası vereceklerdi. Her ne kadar Türkçe tarih yazımında bu rekabetin Akdeniz ayağı gerek dil engelleri, gerekse kaynakların eksikliği nedeniyle ihmal edilmişse de Osmanlılar ve Habsburglar’ın kozlarını sadece Macaristan ovasında değil, aynı zamanda Akdeniz sularında da paylaştığı unutulmamalıdır.
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Le gros de la recherche orientaliste consacrée à la littérature théologique islamique a négligé les idées théologiques Ibāḍī à portée cosmologique, ce qui a conduit à une compréhension incomplète de la théologie islamique et à un manque considérable dans la recherche occidentale. L'omission de ce mouvement important de l'Islam est compréhensible étant donné que les textes Ibāḍī ne sont accessibles, publiés, diffusés et traduits que de façon très partielle. Cette étude vise donc à combler certaines de ces lacunes dans la recherche sur la première théologie islamique. Les objectifs de cet article sont de: 1) caractériser la littérature Ibāḍī classique portant sur la théorie atomiste de la substance et de l'accident; 2) examiner les textes d'auteurs Ibāḍī du iiie/ixe siècle dialoguant et discutant avec d'autres écoles théologiques islamiques, à savoir les Muʿtazilites pré-Bahshamiyya (Abū Hāshim al-Jubbāʾī, d. 321/933) et les Ashʿarites (Abū al-Ḥasan al-Ashʿarī, d. 324/936), en lien avec la théorie atomiste de la substance et de l'accident; 3) passer en revue le grand nombre d'opinions soutenues parmi les premiers théologiens Ibāḍī, et examiner les sources et les thèmes spécifiques susceptibles d'avoir influencé cette école de pensée diversifiée. Cet article cherche aussi à identifier des traits communs dans l'approche Ibāḍī durant la période de formation de la théologie islamique, et à explorer les voies grâce auxquelles ces premiers théologiens ont pu avoir accès à des thèmes cosmologiques antérieurs à l'Islam.
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berian Umayyad relations with the Ibāḍī Rustumids and the Ṣufrī Midrārids have not been well understood. After an initial period of Khārijite rebellion against the Umayyads in the 120s/740s, in which Khārijite revolutions in North Africa spilled over into the Iberian Peninsula, profound ties developed between the Umayyad amīrs, and the Midrārid and Rustumid imāms. In the far Maghrib, where ‘Abbāsid power did not reach, trade—especially the trade in human beings—brought these erstwhile political and religious enemies together. Relationships between these groups lasted well beyond the destruction of the Midrārid and Rustumid dynasties in the early fourth/tenth century. This paper re-examines the textual and numismatic evidence for Ibāḍī, Ṣufrī, Iberian Umayyad (and even early ‘Abbāsid) relations in order to propose that strong economic interests based primarily in the slave trade underlay the political ties that developed in the late second/eighth century between these groups.
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