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The article examines the ideological core and technique of the poetic art of the most famous poets of Oman, the state religion of which is Ibadism. An interdisciplinary approach, which included historical review and linguistic methods of analysing original texts, made it possible to identify the content and artistic features of the Ibadites works. A close connection was revealed between the theory and history of Ibadism not only with the themes of the works (religious with a predominance of the motive of exile, repentance, justice and a call to civil action), but also with the forms of their implementation, such as refusal to directly mention the epithets of Allah, certain types of chronotopes, suggestive techniques, the use of the full semantic potential of the word, etc. The authors assert that Ibadite poetry has a political orientation and that civil Arab poetry could reach its heights only in the Ibadite environment. The peculiarities of the Ibadite poetics are traced mainly in the texts of such a prominent figure in the culture of Oman as Abu Muslim al-Bahlani.

لم یلق الشعر العمانی الدراسة التی تکفی وکذلک الشعراء العمانیون؛ لم تنلهم ید العنایة التی یستحقونها على الرغم من أن معظم شعراء عُمان قد تمیزوا بالأشعار ذات السبک الرصین والجزالة والجمال، والوصول لمستوى متمیز فی محاکاة الشعر العربی القدیم سواء أکان ذلک الشعر مستقلا بکیانه؛ أم کان تقلیدا أو معارضة، ولا سیما فی حقب زمنیة غابت عن الشعر فیها القصائد التی تبلغ الدرجة المتمیزة من البلاغة والصور الشعریة والمستویات الفنیة المطلوبة، وإنما غلبت على الشعر الزخارف اللفظیة والتنمیق المتکئ على الجناس المتکلف والاستعارات الفجة والطباق المبالغ به.

International negotiations based on pure national interest cannot provide sustainable models for treaty-making when global issues, like nuclear weapons or climate change, are at stake. The Iran nuclear deal is a case in point as it was easily set aside by the Trump administration. Increasing risks of the deal failing and its likely consequences, proliferation of nuclear weapons and regional conflict, are bound to have negative repercussions for other treaty regimes hanging on a thread, like the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. National interest is not an intelligent model for international treaty making in this context. Like in the falaj microcosms, the genuine accommodation of the interests of everyone is likely to produce durable outcomes. Serious engagement by all parties to the negotiation as well as reconciliation of past animosities are also necessary requirements for successful negotiation. The role of skilful mediators, drawing from best customary practices, becomes a requisite throughout the negotiation process.

Omani irrigation channel (qanat falaj) construction is very old. The identity of the original qanat builders is still debated by the research community. An Omani legend ties the existence of specific daudi falaj to the times of King Solomon of the Old Testament. Persian Achaemenid Shahs and Sasanian Shahs actively encouraged channel construction in the region. Whomever the original builders were, these systems have provided communities in the northern Omani interior with water for irrigation and domestic use for at least 1500–2000 years. Villages form microcosms in which a falaj organization has a clear social and economic structure, based on an accurate and fair system of water distribution. Over 3000 falaj are still very much in use, providing over one third of irrigation water today. Unlike meticulous regulation in Persia proper, Omani irrigation law was devoid of unnecessary legislation. Customary principles and Islamic law were consolidated into a harmonious whole. This was accomplished the Islamic legal scholars, the ulama. Fair dealing, consultation and collective responsibility created relative harmony at the level of the villages. Most disputes, if any, were settled in consultation with falaj officials, wakil and arif.

Omani civilization is very old. Early Bronze Age civilization in the fourth millennium BC unified the whole Oman peninsula from the Abu Dhabi islands to Ra’s al-Hadd and Masirah Island. Coastal regions were in constant touch with the outside world as boats, loaded with copper, diorite and frankincense travelled far, from the south-eastern shores of Africa along the coast of the Indian Ocean rim. In contrast, villages in the Hajar mountains formed isolated pockets in the valleys and on the slopes of the mountains. Regardless, the irrigation was a matter for the village where agreements over irrigation systems were negotiated and managed on a customary basis. The governing power, whether it was a religious Imam, a secular king, a sultan or a foreign occupier, was a factor in the village reality. At times this was beneficial, as under the First unitary Imamate in the eighth to ninth century, when customary law and Islamic law on irrigation were consolidated into a harmonised whole. At times, the collapse of central power and subsequent internal fighting between the tribes resulted in significant destruction and the abandonment of settlement. The birth of a modern Omani state in the latter half of the twentieth century under Sultan Qaboos signalled a break with the past, except for the culture, which continues to live in the traditions and laws of the people of the land.

The roots of Ibadism can be traced back to the times of the fourth and last of the rightly guided Caliphs, Ali Abi bin Talib. Two important secessions took place from the mainstream Sunni Islam during Ali’s time: that of the Shia and that of the Kharijite, a loose grouping of different sections from which also the Ibadis would emerge later on. Oman and North Africa became strongholds for the developing Ibadi school of thought. The North African Ibadi Rustamid Imamate lasted until 296 AH/909 AD when it was overthrown by the Shiite Fatimids. Since then, the Ibadi African communities formed isolated pockets in Algeria, Libya and Tunisia but were never able to establish an Ibadi imamate again. In Oman, matters were different as Ibadism became the unifying factor for the tribes. Later came the wars of independence from the central Caliphate with the establishment of Ibadi Imamates. Imamate governance signified the imposition of rule of law—like conditions in the country, after years of unchecked tribal rule. The Ibadi Imamate was a supra tribal state, in that its legitimacy and power derived directly from tribal support. Islamic governance was based on law, starting with the choice of the Imam by consultation. Islamic legal scholars, the ulama, and the Imamate officials would influence the Omani cultural landscape, encouraging consultation and fairness in the conduct of everyday affairs.

Negotiations that produce durable outcomes are rather rare in international negotiations, which are often viewed as a zero-sum game in which one’s success is tied to the other’s loss. The Iran nuclear deal, negotiated in 2015, is a case in point. The original deal was the product of unbalanced negotiations. The deal’s compliance pull resulted weak, making it relatively easy for President Donald Trump to pull the US out of the deal in 2018. The search for more constructive ways of negotiation led to the path that became this book. An example of inclusive negotiations that produce durable outcomes was found in Oman, a historical seafaring nation, situated on the southeast corner of the Arabian peninsula and bordered by the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean. In Oman, water is the lifeblood of all life. Inclusive agreements over irrigation channels developed into Omani culture over a considerable time span from custom, Ibadi Islamic principles and tribal law. The Omanis became known as the people of consultation, Ahl Al-Shura.

Omani water diplomacy has its roots in the cultural landscape of the Omani society. Omani falaj communities formed microcosms in which principles of consultation, mediation and fairness developed over centuries into an internalized code of conduct whose influence would later extend also to the conduct on the nation’s foreing policy. Sultan Qaboos’ rise into power in 1970 signalled a significant break with the isolationist past. From then on, Omani foreign policies departed from dialogue, moderation and inclusion. With these cultural and political resources in the diplomacy toolkit, Oman was ready to take an active role at the Water Resources Working Group of the Middle East Peace Process. Omanis were well-placed to understand the implications of sufficient water supply for regional security. The desalination of sea water was considered to be the key for desert countries in the Middle East for finding new sources of supply of drinking water. The sharing of scientific and technological expertise became the goal of a small group of Omani water architects. A common effort, an international research centre on water desalination based in Muscat was beginning to take shape in the heated climate of international politics around the Arab-Israeli conflict.

In the volatile context of the Middle East Peace Process, financial independence of the Research Centre was a necessity. It would mean independence to decide on research, training and technical requirements on the basis of project appropriateness alone. Resilience, extra miles and diplomatic tact were required from the water architects to secure the sound funding of the Centre. The Centre was going to be based on grass-root cooperation between experts of different countries, including Israel, solidly committed to making the Centre a reality. Through benefits of participation, common ground was prepared for the betterment of Arab-Israeli—relationships. The Establishment Agreement of the Middle East Desalination Research Centre was signed in Muscat in 1996 by the founding members, Oman, the US, Japan, Israel, South Korea and the EU. Others would join later on to carry out important research cooperation on water desalination technologies. MEDRC became an independent international organisation under Omani law and a forum for research cooperation for purposes of solving the common problem of water scarcity. Lessons learnt of the MEDRC have potential wider applicability for creating professional grass-root cooperation in the region.

Omani society is fundamentally a tribal mosaic. The main tribal confederations since the eighteenth century civil war are the Hinawi and the Ghafiri. The patchwork of Omani tribes belongs to one of these confederations. Omani villages have conserved their tribal outlook, tribal values and tribal structure even if they form sedentarised units instead of a bedu nomadic lifestyle. Tribal alliances between tribes and tribal formation/deformation within tribes has been a continuous process. Tribal law has played an inherent part in the overall formation of Omani legal culture. Central for tribal law are its tendencies towards mediation and the avoidance of conflict. Tribes are egalitarian yet the collective interest is the foundation of tribal law. Every conflict is resolved through arbitration, negotiation or mediation by a third party. All members of the community are expected to do their part in resolving disputes, by restraining people from using force, participating in the mediation process or sharing the costs and the benefits of restitution. The mediation system is sophisticated and highly structured, and it involves a great deal of deliberate negotiation and dialogue to ensure that conflicting parties are content with the resolution. The dispute-resolution system relies on compromise and mutual benefit, rather than on imposed punishment or designation of losers and winners. Collective responsibility implies that tribes are ultimately responsible for the acts of their members and for forcing them to implement verdicts of mediation or arbitration.

Parure collier chiiriya en métal doré, Tunisie, probablement Djerba, début XXe siècle En 2 éléments : le premier bandeau tissé de soie jaune et cousu de plaquettes métalliques allongées garnies d’une pendeloque en forme de monnaie. Au centre, petit cabochon conique de métal filigrané rehaussé d’une perle turquoise ; le second, succession de quatre éléments en croissant de lune, le cinquième en rosette, en métal filigrané doré rehaussé de perles turquoises et garnis de pendeloques en forme de monnaie. Longueur du bandeau : 42 cm ; hauteur : 23,5 cm Usures. On joint un collier de trois rangs de médailles imitant des pièces de monnaies et d’un rang de pendeloques en forme d’étoiles et de demi-lunes, Afrique du Nord.

Yvonne THIVET (1888-1972) Scène orientale [Ghardaia] Huile sur toile. Signée en bas à droite. Cadre en bois doré à décor calligraphique (la répétition de la devise Lâ ghâlib illâ-llâh / Il n’y a pas de vainqueur, sinon Dieu). (Restaurations). 70 x 98 cm

L’historien Augustin Jomier a étudié les évolutions doctrinaires des oulémas ibadites implantés à la fin du XIXe siècle dans les communautés berbères du nord du (...)

Un an après le décès du sultan Qabous Ben Saïd Al-Saïd, le « père de la nation », Oman tâtonne dans un monde où la suprématie du pétrole s’essouffle, au profit des (...)