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ساهم تأسيس تاهرت، عاصمة الدولة الرستمية ببلاد المغرب الأوسط، في انتقال بعض قبائل البربر من الحياة الرعوية إلى حياة الاستقرار والتمدن، وهو ما جعل بعض القبائل ذات القاعدة البشرية العريضة تمثل الأعمدة التي ارتكزت عليها هذه الدولة، وهو ما دفع أيمتها إلى الانحياز لقبيلة دون أخرى والذي سيجعل بعض القبائل تعارض هذه السياسة وتنخرط في التيار العسكري المعادي وتشارك في حروب أدت إلى سقوط هذه الدولة.

إن موقع دولة بني رستم ببلاد المغرب الأوسط بين قوتين إفليمييتين, الدولة الأغلبية شرقا والإدريسية غربا, وافتقارها إلى جيش نظامي قادر على مواجهة بني الأغلب, حلفاء بني العباس, والأدارسة, الذين كان لهم أطماع توسعية على حساب مجال هذه الدولة بتدخلهم سياسيا

سكّان "وادي مزاب" في الجزائر يمتلكون سلطة روحية مطلقة على السكان، يتخذون من المسجد مقرّاً، ومن المقبرة خُلوة لعقد اجتماعاتهم، ويعيشون في مدينة لا حكم فيها يعلو فوق حكم الجامع والجماعة (المسجد والعشيرة).

"This is a book about intra-religious divisions among Muslims - what medieval Muslims might have called, and contemporary Muslims might call (sing. madhhab). That is to say, it is a book about how Muslims have, over the course of their long history and in the many geographical areas where they found themselves, forged and often re-forged divergent notions of what it means to be a Muslim. This process might be called "sectarianism," or even "Islamic sectarianism," though the moniker is fraught with problems, not the least of which being that several of the recognized divisions among Muslims (e.g. ) would not technically qualify as being "sects" according to the myriad scholarly definitions of that term. To account for this particular issue, this work focuses on Muslim sects and "schools," meaning here schools of thought, as a means of approaching what Muslim authors might have implied when they described these groups as At the outset, it is worth asking after the purpose of such a book? Why read it? On the face of it, it would seem that current world conditions make the answers to these questions obvious: communal unrest or outright violence in Muslim majority countries such as Iraq, Bahrain, Lebanon, Yemen, and Pakistan (to name a few) often gets articulated in sectarian terms, not only by the actors and the victims of such violence, but also by the various journalists, anchors, and writers whose task it is to report and explain these events to the rest of the world. For many popular media outlets, affiliations, such as Sunni or , offer convenient identity markers by bounding groups by their communal affiliation. These sectarian classifications are meant to "make sense" of conflict in the Islamic world by providing their readers a means to navigate that world, and they gain legitimacy as explanatory devices insofar as they reflect the ways that some Muslims articulate the underlying causes of their conflicts. Indeed, many Sunnis and among others, employ sectarian categories as a means to identify themselves, or as the basis for polemics (as a simple search of the internet will show), or as a reason to engage in violence. Journalists, then, can accurately claim that their reporting reflects "local" perceptions of the situation on the ground"--

This article reassesses the “Khārijite” rebellion of Muṭarrif b. al-Mughīra b. Shuʿba al-Thaqafī in 77/696–97 and recontextualizes it within a different “category” of revolt. Analyzing both the history and the historiography of this uprising, the article argues that Muṭarrif’s rebellion is best understood not within a Khārijite framework, but rather as part of a series of revolts carried out by other Iraqi tribal notables (ashrāf) in the same period. This reevaluation is based, for example, on the composition of Muṭarrif’s following, which shows clear connections with other important Iraqi/eastern leaders, such as Muṣʿab b. al-Zubayr, Ibn al-Ashʿath, and Yazīd b. al-Muhallab. These connections, observable in other structural patterns common to Marwānid-era rebellions as well, point to a similarity of grievances, reactions, and aims whose salience far exceeded the context of individual revolts. More broadly, this article also seeks to challenge the received scholarly understanding of Khārijism and to question its usefulness as a category of historical analysis, suggesting instead different approaches to a renewed engagement with this phenomenon.

الحمد لله تزوج على بركة الله تعالى المكرم سالم بن صالح بن موسى الكباوي الصدغياني بالبكر الحرة مسعودة بنت خليفة بنت محمد الكباوي من القبيل بصداق مقدمه صندوق ، و لحاف ، و كليم ( تفسير : الشرط معناها ) . اعترف والدها المذكور بقبض جميع ذالك و تاليه ماية فرنك واحدة باق لها بذمة الزوج عقدا لنكاحها بذالك والدها المذكور و حضر والد الزوج المذكور و قبل منه لإبنه المذكور النكاح المسطور و وقع منها القبول و الإيجاب و تلية بينهما فاتحة الكتاب و فتح بينهما النكاح و انفذ بكلمة الواحد الاحدالمنزه عن الصاحبة والولد شهد عليهم بذلك بعد التصريح فان الزوجين غير متجنسين بالجنسية الفرنسية و انهما من الرعايا التونسيين و هما مجال الجواز و المعرفة بتاريخ يوم الاثنين الحادي و العشرين من ربيع الاصب عام 1348 ثمانية و اربعين و ثلاثماية و الف الموافق الثالث و العشرين من ديسمبر خاتم شهور 1929 الف و تسعماية و تسع و عشرين في الفجر ( * تفسير : قبل كان الصداق يتكتب بعد ما توصل الجحفة الفجر *) فرنكات والتسجيل فرنكات و ستة فرنكات لتاجر الكتب و الترسيم بالدفتر و توصيل ذلك عدد 9 من بعد 231 في الدفتر. فقير ربه : عمر بالحاج يحي ( شيخ تراب صدغيان في تلك الفترة ) عدل اشهاد ثاني : جليسه : أمحمد بن خواجة . ( تفسير : خواجة عايلة جربية من حومة قشعيين اندثرت ، هاجرو إلى مصر ) من أرشيف قاصي الكباري

ملخص: تهدف هذه الدراسة إلى التحقق من نسبة كتاب الوضع إلى الشيخ أبي زكرياء الجناوني (ق05-06هـ/ 11-12م) الذي اشتُهِر بنسبة الكتاب إليه شهرة مستفيضة مع وجود بعض الشكوك في نسبة الكتاب إليه من بعض العلماء قديـمًا وبعض الباحثين حديثًا، وذلك من خلال استعمال المنهج الوصفي والمنهج الاستقرائي والمنهج التحليلي، والرجوع إلى نصوص العلماء والباحثين، وفهارس المخطوطات، وأهم نتيجة انتهت إليها الدراسة أن كتاب الوضع من المستبعد جدًّا أن يكون الشيخ أبو زكرياء يحيى بن الخير الجناوني هو من قام بتأليفه؛ وأنَّ مُؤلِّفَ كتاب الوضع عالـمٌ إباضيٌّ من جبل نفوسة بليبيا، عاش ما بين نهاية القرن السادس الهجري ونهاية القرن السابع الهجري

The Djerba Island (Gulf of Gabes, SE-Tunisia) that is part of the South Rive of the Mediterranean is classified lately as an international heritage site. Despite this, it suffers from erosion. So, it's necessary to study and monitor its stability state (erosion/accretion) to predict future erosion. In the present work, the stability state was determined by studying the coastline evolution using photographs (1991) and satellite images treated by Remote Sensing and GIS tools. Extracted coastlines (schematized by polylines or extracted by the calculation of MNDWI index) have been superimposed. Their evolution (distances and rates) was calculated automatically using the Arc GIS Digital Shoreline Analysis System extension. Results show accelerated erosion over the last period 2016–2020 for all cells on the Island. The evolution over a period of 45 years, from 1975 to 2020, shows a coastline retreat along the entire Island (3 to 10 m/year), with the exception of the sandy spits of Ras Rmal and Borj Kastel (accretion due to the contributions of sediments by coastal drift currents). The sea level rise and the various hydrodynamic and anthropogenic forcings have led to this state instability and this generalized erosion.

This contribution studies the complex arrangement of legal, socio-economic, and technical aspects of the aflāj (s. falaj) water distribution and irrigation system, and how they have shaped communities and built environments in Oman, where the falaj has provided the virtual lifeline of oasis life since the first millennium BCE. Three case studies of falaj communities are presented, Birkat al-Mawz, al-Ḥamrāʾ, and Misfāt al-ʿAbrīyin, which developed during the prosperous early-Yaʿrubi period in the mid-eleventh/seventeenth century. It investigates the extent to which the Ibāḍī-Islamic legal framework allowed flexibility for the local governance, management, and organisation of this ancient system, and its adaptation to diverse demographic, environmental, and emergent socio-political conditions.

Among the conceptual foundations on which scholars of modern Islam have built their narratives for decades, ideas such as “reform” and “reformism” have been singled out for charges of Eurocentricism and Orientalism. At the same time, research on early modern Islam leads us to question the specificities of these nineteenth and twentieth-century concepts. Building on this scholarship, this article examines the case of Algerian Ibadi reform (iṣlāḥ) in order to reassert the specificity of the early twentieth century as a moment when Islamic concepts acquired new meanings, but also as a moment of deep entanglements between Islamic and colonial knowledge production. It shows that a systematic understanding of iṣlāḥ as social and religious reform linked to the idea of progress developed only during the interwar period. It also demonstrates that the emic and etic uses of iṣlāḥ and “reform” developed together, a result of the confluence between modern Islamic scholarship and scholarship about Islam in the early twentieth-century Algerian colonial public sphere. Thus, the conceptual history of iṣlāḥ warns us against approaches that consider emic and etic categories bounded entities and invites us instead to unravel their complexities.