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The human settlement can be considered as a specific historical creation; it has not always existed however appeared at a certain moment in the societies evolution, and can disappear, or be radically changed at another moment. The anthropology of space is interested in the representation, production and social use of human space, just like the cognitive sciences. In this regard, we attempt over this study to analyze the anthropology of Saharan human settlement (The city of Ghardaïa). The results reveal that social ties and human needs are determining factors in the morphology of Saharan human settlements.

Hicrî ilk asırda doğan ve aynı asırda vefat eden Câbir b. Zeyd (ö. 93/711-12), tâbiîn âlimleri içerisinde önemli bir konuma sahiptir. Umman doğumlu olan Câbir henüz genç yaşlarda ailesi ile birlikte Basra’ya göç etmiş ve memleketinde aldığı ilk eğitimine burada devam etmiştir. Basra’daki ilmî ortamla yetinmemiş, sık sık Hicaz bölgesine giderek sahâbîler ile görüşme ve onlardan istifade etme fırsatı bulmuştur. Abdullah b. Abbâs başta olmak üzere Hz. Âişe, Abdullah b. Ömer, Enes b. Mâlik, Abdullah b. Mesud, Câbir b. Abdullah, Ebû Hureyre, Ebû Said el-Hudrî (r.anhüm) gibi sahâbenin önemli isimlerinin tedrisinden geçmiş ve onlardan hadis rivayetinde bulunmuştur. Bedir ehlinden yetmiş kişiye yetiştiği ve İbn Abbâs dışında hepsinin ilmini kavradığına dair kendisinden birden fazla eserde aktarılan ifadeler, onun sahâbe ile ne derece sıkı bir bağının bulunduğunu göstermesi açısından önemlidir. Câbir, sahâbenin yanı sıra Hasan Basri, İbn Abbâs’ın azatlısı İkrime ve Muhammed b. Sîrîn gibi tâbiînin meşhur simaları ile de arkadaşlık yapmış ve onlarla karşılıklı ilim alışverişinde bulunmuştur. Sahâbenin ve tâbiîn âlimlerinin övgülerine mazhar olmuş ve Basra gibi ilmî bir merkezde insanlardan kabul görerek fetva vermeye başlamıştır. Câbir b. Zeyd’in başta İbâdiyye mezhebinin ikinci imamı olan Ebû Ubeyde Müslim b. Ebî Kerime (ö. 145/762) ve üçüncü imamı olan Rebîʿ b. Habîb (ö. 180/796) olmak üzere yetmişe yakın öğrenci yetiştirdiği aktarılmaktadır. Ebû Nuh Sâlih ed-Dehhân, Dımâm b. Sâib ve Hayyân el-Aʿrac bunlardan bazılarıdır. Câbir b. Zeyd, İbâdî âlimler tarafından İbâdiyye mezhebinin kurucusu olarak kabul edilmektedir; ancak Sünnî âlimler Câbir b. Zeyd’in İbâdî olmadığını, hatta kendisine bu konu sorulduğunda onlardan beri olduğunu ifade ettiğini aktarmaktadır. Ayrıca Sünnî âlimler tabakât ve ricâl kitaplarında ondan övgüyle söz etmişlerdir. İbâdîlere göre ise bu, baskıcı Emevî idaresinin bulunduğu dönemde yapılmış bir takıyyeden ibarettir. Mezhebin gerçek imamı olan Câbir’in meydana çıkması hareketin geleceği için tehlikeli olacağından dolayı mezhebin dışa bakan yüzü olma görevini Abdullah b. İbâd üstlenmiş, direktifleri ise Câbir’den almaya devam etmiştir. Ancak bu makalenin konusu gereği onun gerçek mezhebi hakkındaki bu tartışmalara girilmeyecek, sadece İbâdî fıkhı içerisinde nasıl bir konuma oturtulduğu tespit edilmeye çalışılacaktır. Câbir b. Zeyd, yaşadığı dönem itibarıyla ilimler henüz birbirinden ayrışmadığı için hadis, tefsir ve fıkıh ilimlerinde belli bir noktaya ulaşmıştır. Bu makalede onun genel olarak ilmî konumuna özel olarak ise fıkıh ve İbâdî fıkhı içerisindeki konumuna temas edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Câbir’in ilmî konumunun tespitinde her bir ilim için farklı kaynaklar üzerinden gidilmiştir. Tefsir ilmindeki konumu için hocası İbn Abbâs’ın onun hakkındaki görüşleri, müfessirlerin ondan nasıl bahsettikleri ve tefsir kitaplarında onun görüşlerine yapılan atıflara bakılmış, hadis ilminde İslâm dünyasında meşhur olan hadis kitaplarında Câbir kanalıyla nakledilen rivayetler ve tabakât kitaplarında onu nasıl anlattıkları üzerinden gidilmiştir. Fıkıh ilminde ise genel olarak ondan aktarılan fıkhî rivayetlerden bahsedildikten sonra İbâdî fıkıh literatürü içerisinden seçilen birtakım eserlerde Câbir’in görüş ve fetvalarına yapılan atıflara bakarak onun İbâdî fıkhı için nasıl bir noktada konumlandığı tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Sonuç olarak ise tefsir ve hadis ilimlerinde yüksek bir mertebeye sahip olan Câbir’in İbâdî fıkhının kurucularından sayılabilecek derecede bir otoriteye sahip olduğu tespit edilmiştir.

In this article, we present the results of a recent program of high-resolution radiocarbon dating on the urban sequence at Kilwa Kisiwani in southern Tanzania, including Bayesian modeling of 21 calibrated 14C dates. These data come from the 2016 excavation of a large trench directly adjacent to trench ZLL, one of the key 1960s excavations that served to establish the original chronology of the town. The new sequence reported here anchors the phases of Kilwa’s development for the first time in absolute terms. The dates, stratigraphy, and artifact assemblage offer a number of new insights into the timing and tempo of the occupation at Kilwa, notably placing the first coral buildings and coins at the end of the tenth century. Insights also include findings related to the earliest phases of settlement and periods of possible urban decline. We argue against a trend for understanding Swahili towns according to a common coastal trajectory and suggest that it is important to consider regional diversity by recognizing the particular, episodic sequence at Kilwa.

The Sultanate of Oman has often been portrayed as a haven of peace in a most turbulent region. The projection of a peace-loving country is at the core of many narratives that this article intends to study, looking at how they are constructed. The purpose of this article is certainly not normative. We do not aim to test the reality or operationalization of such discourses or projections on the allegedly pacific nature of Oman as a state and society. Rather, our purpose is to understand how this dimension has come to be considered a natural feature of contemporary Oman and what arguments, images and figures they mobilize. Our first ambition will thus be to identify the structuration of the narrative focusing on Omani peace and its various dimensions, be they historical, religious, political or diplomatic. We will finally delve into discourses regarding the sustainability of the feature of Oman as a peace-loving country and the challenges it faces.

The setting of the Sultanate of Oman combined with the heritage of the Arabian Mission of the Reformed Church in America has created a unique context for the work of the Al Amana Centre. This article will explore the history and modern-day experience of tolerance and pluralism in Oman, the historical, theological movements of the Reformed Church in America missionaries toward a more accepting view of Islam, and how these two combine to create opportunities for participants in Al Amana Centre’s programing to discover and experience reconciliation. This article will draw upon scholars who have a long history with Oman, the stories and history of the Arabian Mission, and accounts of the current work of Al Amana Centre.

Oman and Brunei are two countries with a long history of sultanic regimes. A sultanate is a kingdom ruled by a Muslim monarch. Because of these two countries’ geopolitical and geostrategic locations, they are very important in global affairs. At the same time, although situated in the highly tense regions of the Middle East and Southeast Asia respectively, Oman and Brunei are generally quite stable. They have recently become involved in China’s global economic project, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Using a theory of small states, this article applies a qualitative research methodology focusing mainly on foreign policy analysis in a comprehensive analytical framework. The study uses face-to-face and by-correspondence interviews with government officials from both sultanates. It investigates whether the domestic determinants of small states’ foreign policy directly affect the bilateral relations between the two sultanates. The main finding of this study is that Oman and Brunei have greatly benefited through the establishment of a satisfactory bilateral relationship based mainly on four pillars from the list of determinants of small states’ foreign policy: historical connectivity, an Islamic monarchical dynastic system of governance, a state rentier economy, and shared foreign policy principles.

معلوم أن نظام العزابة أبدعه إباضية بلاد المغرب بعد سقوط الدولة الرستمية علي يد الداعية الفاطمي أبي عبد الله الشيعي سنة 296هـ وفي العام التالي نصب الإمام الإسماعيلي عبيد الله المهدي أول خليفة للدولة الفاطمية في مدينة رقاده. وعلي أثر سقوط الدولة الرستمية وتعرض إباضيتها للاضطهاد نزح معظمهم إلي جبل نفوسة وجزيرة جربة وواحة وارجلان في جوف الصحراء الكبري. في جبل نفوسة حاول إباضيتها إحياء الإمامة الرستمية، لكن جهودهم باءت بالفشل نتيجة تهديدات الخليفة المهدي الفاطمي. وفي جزيرة جرة – وكان إباضيتها علي مذهب النفاثية – نجحوا في إقامة نظام العزابة كبديل لنظام الإمامة، بالمثل أقام إباضية واحة وارجلان – وكان معظمهم علي مذهب الوهبية – نظام العزابة الذي كان أكثر تنظيماً وأكبر تأثيراً من عزابات جبل نفوسية وجزيرة جربة.

The M’ Zab Pentapolis, located on the edge of the northern Sahara, is a settlement system composed of five fortified cities (ksour) founded from the year One thousand by a group of religious dissidents, the Ibadis, on the slopes of the Algerian oasis that runs along the M’Zab uadi. The French architect André Ravéreau, was contacted in 1960 by the Agence du Plan d’Alger to participate in the Plan for the M’Zab Valley. With his wife, the photographer Manuelle Roche, Ravéreau drew up an interpretative analysis of the territory: he broke the valley down into its constituent parts to reuse them in his design projects. His studies also have contributed to create a certain imagery of the model of the “ideal Islamic city”. This paper aims to highlight how the architect’s interpretative reading of the valley is trans- ferred to his projects. Ravéreau was commissioned to design villes nouvelles within a valley surrounded by five ancient Islamic cities. He came up with proposals that were in continuity with the existing urban structure – demonstrating his ability to build relationships between the building, the ancient city, and the landscape – while at the same time attempting to com- bine the requirements of traditional culture with modern aspirations.

ملخص المقال لا شك أنّ الإباضية باعتبارها أولى فرق الإسلام ظهورا قد عرفت منذ وقت مبكر حركة زهدية اشتهرت عند زعمائهم الأوائل من أتباع المحكّمة الأولى وأهل النهروان، والأكيد أنَّ وحدة الفكر والمذهب بين إباضية المشرق والمغرب جعلت من الممارسات التعبّدية لكليهما مشتركة إلى حدِّ التطابق، لذلك نجد ارتباط إباضية المغرب بحركة الزهد إنما كان عن طريق تأثّرهم بأئمة الإباضية بالمشرق، ولمَّا ارتبطت دعوة الإباضية بحركة الزهد في هذا الوقت المبكّر من ظهور مذهبهم ببلاد المغرب أردنا تتبّع تطور حركة الزهد عند إباضية المغرب انطلاقا من الإشكالية التالية: هل انتقلت حركة الزهد التي عرفها إباضية المغرب في جانبها المظهري والتعبّدي إلى حركة صوفية، لها ممارساتها العملية، وهل ارتقت الحركة الصوفية إلى أن أصبحت ظاهرة اجتماعية؟.تصوف An article summary. the movement of Asceticism and the system of Sufism at the Ibadis of Maghreb ( Between the historical heritage and the local influences). From the beginning of the Hijri second century to the fall of Tiaret (296 AH / 909 CE) In Islam, there is no doubt that Asceticism is a necessary introduction about the Sufism because Asceticism and Sufism are behavior and practice associated with many Islamic doctrines. Certainly, Ibadism was the first islamic sect that appeared since early. Ibadism knew an ascetic movement was famous among their early leaders who are followers of the first Kharijites and the Nahrawan people.The unity of thought and doctrine between the Ibadis of Mashreq and Maghreb showed that the practices of worship are common; Therefore, Ibadhism was associated with the movement of asceticism at this early time when their doctrine appeared in the Maghreb. We tried to follow the evolution of asceticism at Ibadis of Maghreb from the following questions: Do we consider the Ibadi Asceticism like an early stage for the emergence of the Ibadi Sufism? Or that the Ibadi Asceticism was confined about the ritual aspects? Has the Ibadi Asceticism movement been able to become an organized social phenomenon? Or it remained associated with individual exercise, as a special behavior between the servant and his Lord?.

Sıffîn savaşı esnasında Muâviye ve Amr b. As’ın Tahkîm’e gitme önerisinin Halife Hz. Ali tarafından kabulü onun ordusunda bölünmeye yol açtı. Bu bölünme neticesinde makâlât türü kaynakların “Havâric” olarak adlandırdığı, İbâdîlerin ise “Muhakkimetü’l-Ûlâ” dedikleri ilk fırkalaşma hareketi başlamış oldu. Hicrî 64/684 yılında Muhakkimetü’l-Ûlâ’nın parçalanması ve sonrasında meydana gelen fırkaların hepsi Mezhepler Tarihçileri tarafından genel bir değerlendirme ile Hâricîliğin alt kolları olarak kabul edildi. Yapılan tanımlamalarda Ezârika, Necedât, Acâride, Sufriyye, Beyhesiyye ve diğer Hâricî fırkalar sertlik yanlısı ve aşırıya kaçanlar olarak vasıflandırıldı. İbâdîler ise Hâricîliğin günümüze kadar yaşayan mutedil fırkası olarak kabul edildi. Bu niteleme ile İbâdiyye Hâricî fırkalardan biri olarak konumlandırılmış oldu. Şiddet taraftarı Hâricî fırkalardan hiçbiri varlığını sürdüremezken İbâdiyye’nin günümüze kadar varlığını devam ettirmesinin temel sebebinin görüşlerindeki itidal olduğu söylenebilir. İbâdiyye’yi Hâricî olmakla itham eden müellifler, çeşitli konulardaki görüşlerinin benzerliğini delil gösterirler. Ancak bu iddialar İbâdîler tarafından kesin bir dille reddedilmektedir. Bu makalede İbâdî müelliflerin doğrudan kendi eserleri ekseninde benzer olduğu iddia edilen görüşler Hâricîlerin temel düşünceleriyle karşılaştırılarak bir sonuca ulaşılmaya çalışılacaktır.

تعدد ورود عبارة "ما يوجبه النظر" وما شابهها من صيغ في كتاب الإيضاح للشيخ عامر الشماخي (ت792هـ) الذي يعتبر من أبرز كتب الفتوى عند إباضية المغرب الإسلامي، سنقوم في هذا البحث ببيان الوجوه التي استعمل فيها الشيخ عامر الشماخي هذه العبارة في مباحث الشفعة كأنموذج من مباحث كتابه الإيضاح، فخصصنا المبحث الأول لتعريف الوجوب والنظر في اللغة والاصطلاح ومعنى عبارة "ما يوجبه النظر"، إلى جانب بيان مواضع ورود هذه العبارة واستعمالها في كتب الفقه الإباضي وأبرز المذاهب الإسلامية الأخرى، وقمنا في المبحث الثاني ببيان الوجوه التي استعملت فيها هذه العبارة في مباحث الشفعة من كتابه الإيضاح، بذكر قول المؤلف في تلك المسائل الفقهية ومقارنة بعضها بما ورد في أبرز كتب الفتوى عند الإباضية وعند غيرها من المذاهب الفقهية. The phrase "what is necessary to consider and similar formulations in the book of simplification by Sheikh Amer Al-Shammakh(d. 792 AH) (who wrote the legal opinion in the Ibadis of the Islamic Maghreb) as a phrase to indicate the result of his diligence in jurisprudential issues In the discussions of preemption as a model from the topics of his book the simplification, in the first topic the definition of obligation and consideration and the meaning of the phrase "what is necessary to consider", in addition to explaining the places of this expression and its use in books of Ibadi jurisprudence and the most prominent other Islamic doctrine, and in the second topic it deals with the aspects that In it, Sheikh Amer used this phrase comparing them with what was mentioned in the most prominent fatwa books of Ibadi and books of jurisprudence of all the jurisprudential doctrines.

يُحاول هذا المقال تقديم دراسة في جغرافية جبل سوفجج، والأحداث التاريخية المرتبة به قبيل قيام الدولة الرستمية، وذلك من خلال تحليل ما تفرّدت به المصادر الإباضية من أخبا عن هذا الجبل في هذه الفترة، وربطها بالمعطيات الميدانية التي بقيت شاهدا على وجوده، فانطلق هذا البحث من مُحاولة معرفة البنية اللغوية لاسمه، وتفكيكها لتحديد ما تحمله من دلالات معرفية، ثمّ استجلاء النصوص المصدرية من أجل الكشف عن بعض القرائن التي تخصُّ موقعه الجغرافي، وبعدها عرض ومناقشة الأحداث التاريخية التي ارتبطت بهذا الجبل، بداية من فرار عبد الرحمن بن رستم إليه، والتفاف الإباضية حوله، ثمّ مُحاصرة ابن الأشعث لهم في هذا الجبل، إلى مرحلة انتقال عبد الرحمن بن رستم إلى الموقع الذي بُنيت فيه العاصمة الرستمية. ولتأكيد الحضور الجغرافي لهذا الجبل في منطقة تيهرت، تدعّم هذا المقال، بزيارة ميدانية إلى منطقة الناظورة (جنوب ولاية تيارت) للوقوف على بعض المعطيات الجغرافية التي تُشير إلى وجود جبل سوفجج في هذه النواحي، ثمّ القيام بتحليلها وفق الإطار التاريخي الذي كَشفته المصادر الإباضية عن هذا الجبل. This article attempts to present a study of the geography of : Sufjjaj Mount, and the historical events arranged in it prior to the establishment of the Rustamid state, by analyzing the uniqueness of the Ibadi sources of information about this generation at that time, and by linking them to the field data that have remained witnesses of its existence, this research is an attempt to determine the linguistic structure of its name, to dismantle it to determine its cognitive connotations, then clarify the source texts in order to discover some clues about its geographical location, and this in the context of the display and discussion of historical events that I associated with this mountain, starting with the flight of Abd al-Rahman ibn Rustom towards it, and the ibadi circumference around it, then besieging Ibn Al-Ash'ath for them on this mountain, at the stage of Abd al-Rahman ibn Rustom moving to the place where the capital was built, and to confirm the geographical presence of this mountain, this document was strengthened by a visit to Nadhourah area (Tiaret State) to discover some of the geographical data that indicate the presence of: Sufjjaj Mountain in this regard, and then analyzing the historical framework revealed by the Ibadi sources on this mountain.