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The author publishes an Arabic document from the Cairo Geniza, now at Cambridge. It is the letter of a Jewish spice-dealer whose affairs had taken him as far as India, and who sent his goods from Aden in Southern Arabia to his brothers whose business was taking them to Egypt. In the letter he mentions inter alia that he had heard a rumour of the Riots in North Africa. The date of the letter is roughly 1149, and the writer presumably refers to the massacres and forced conversions of the Jews in North Africa following the conquests of ʿAbd el-Muʾamân in 1147. The cities to which he refers include a number known to us from other sources, and also Karkana and Sfax.

העתונות היהודית בתוניסיה היא תופעה מיוחדת במינה בקרב קהילות ישראל בארצות המזרח וצפון אפריקה: במשך כשמונים שנות קיומה יצאו לאור בארץ זו מספר גדול של עתונים יהודיים, ללא השוואה לנעשה בארצות אחרות. מאז סוף ה- 19 ועד תחילת שנות ה-60 יצאו בתוניסיה 79 עתונים ביהודית-ערבית, בלוב 14, באלג'יריה 10 ובמרוקו 9; בצרפתית ראו אור בתוניסיה 48 עתונים יהודים, באלג'יריה 33 ובמרוקו 28; בעברית הופיעו בתוניסיה בפרק זמן זה 16 עתונים, בלוב 4 ובמרוקו 2. בסך הכל הופיעו בתוניסיה בין השנים 1878-1967 143 עתונים יהודיים, וזאת בקהילה שמנתה בסוף ה-19 כ-35-40 אלף נפש, באמצע שנות ה- 20 כ-55 אלף ובשנת 1948 — כ-70 אלף נפש. The Jewish press of Tunisia was a unique phenomenon within the Jewish communities of the Arabic-speaking countries. During its 80-year history, from the end of the 19th century to the 1960s, it produced more Jewish newspapers than anywhere elso. There were 79 Judeo-Arabic newspapers in Tunis (with 14 in Libya, 10 in Algeria and 9 in Morocco); 48 French-language Jewish newspapers (33 in Algeria, 28 in Morocco); and 16 Hebrew newspapers (4 in Libya, 2 in Morocco). Between 1878 and 1967 there were a total of 143 Jewish newspapers published in Tunisia, in a community that numbered only 35,000-40,000 at the end of the 19th century; approximately 55,000 during the mid-1920s; and some 80,000 in 1948. The earliest newspapers appeared in Judeo-Arabic (Arabic written in Hebrew letters), beginning in 1878. They were small papers, mostly short-lived. The first Tunisian Jewish daily began publication in 1889 — "El Tiligraf," edited by Messaoud Maarek, and linked to the oldest telegraphic agency, Havas. But this paper, as all other Jewish papers, ceased publication in 1895 because of a steep levy imposed on all newspapers in Tunisia. The Jewish press revived in 1904, changed in character. A Zionist weekly, "Al Athad," began publication. An important new daily, "El Sabah" ("The Morning," published until 1936), edited by the accomplished Judeo-Arabic writer Jacob Cohen, along with several other competing papers, were now composed in a modern style, catering to a new generation of educated, European-oriented, French-speaking Jews. Another major paper was the weekly "El Najma" ("The Star"), published in the city of Sousse from 1920 to 1961. The Judeo-Arabic newspapers were highly specialized in orientation: some were literary, some political and some humorous and satirical — a particularly popular format. This press reached its zenith during the early 1900s, to be replaced in popularity by French-language newspapers. The two major French-language papers, both weeklies, were the pro-French, progressive "La Justice" (1907-14; 1923-33), edited by Mordochée Smaja, and the more conservative "L'Egalité" (1911-32; 1940), edited by Joseph Cohen-Ganouna. "La Justice" adopted an anti-religious establishment philosophy, while the rival "L'Egalité" fought to preserve Jewish tradition and prevent Francophilization. Only a few Hebrew newspapers were published in Tunisia before 1948, but they became more numerous thereafter, alongside the French Jewish newspapers, while the Judeo-Arabic press died out almost completely. Similarly, the number of Zionist periodicals in all three languages increased. During the 1940s and '50s, all the Zionist youth movements had their own periodicals. All Jewish papers ceased publication from November 1942 to May 1943 when Tunisia was occupied by German forces and was subject to Vichy law. This was Tunisian Jewry's darkest hour, with thousands of Jews interned in forced labor camps and Jewish property confiscated. Some Tunisian Jews were sent to the death camps of Europe. Fortunately, the Jewish population was saved by the allied victory in Tunisia. The post-World War II period was one of rich Jewish communal life. Moslem Tunisia under French rule, unlike its Arab neighbors, was not hostile to the Jewish population. They were free to demonstrate pro-Israel solidarity, as reflected in the Jewish press. Jewish emigration, especially to Israel, increased during the 1950s, especially after Tunisian independence in 1956, although President Bourguiba was favorably disposed to the Jews. With the number of Jews diminishing, the Jewish press shrank accordingly. The last Jewish periodical appeared in 1967.

Southern Tunisian Jewry has an uninterrupted and relatively peaceful history going back into antiquity. The general Berber population, particularly of the island of Djerba, has since the late 19th century developed a pattern of migrant merchants, who operate throughout Tunisia and retire in their old age to their homes. In this context, the Jews entered local commerce and filled the major local positions, however they did not engage in international or in itinerant commerce or trade. Djerban Jewry is therefore extremely sedentary and lacking in geographic mobility. As a consequence, the local community is relatively powerful over its individual members. Social control, particularly in religious matters, is strong because of the high visibility of individuals. Community organs are highly developed in comparison to other Jewish communities in North Africa. The continued development of community organs in the period under discussion is described in the paper on the basis of rabbinical treatises of recent generations.

The Passover Haggadah is a unique ritual text because it is used in a religious ceremony celebrated at home with the participation of the entire family. The children are at the center of the event. Since the text is primarily Hebrew, whoever led the seder in various Jewish communities felt compelled to translate the text to the language spoken by Jews in that community so that the content of the Haggadah would be clear to all the participants and their children enabling them to fulfill the commandment 'And you will tell your son.' For this reason we find Haggadot in many Jewish languages. The Haggadah of the Jews of Djerba includes a passage in Arabic, which, according to the author of this article, does not appear in any other version. This Haggadah adds, after the passage: 'At first our fathers were idolators' an adaptation of three midrashic traditions on the Patriarch Abraham and how he came to acknowledge and believe in the one God even though he lived in a totally idolatrous environment. The article surveys the various Djerban traditions in which the passage appears, councluding that this text came to be included in the Djerban custom no later than the early eighteenth century. The text is presented revealing the variations in the way it was written, though changes of content were few and insignificant. Obviously the text is written in a very vulgar form of Judeo-Arabic as befits its function and purpose. A literary analysis of the text reveals how the midrashim were adapted to the seder service. Details that were irrelevant to the educational purpose of the seder were omitted and others were altered in order to fit better into the story of the Exodus from Egypt. In conclusion, the text is a witness to the dynamic character of the seder among the Jews of Djerba and a unique expression of the Passover Haggadah tradition in Djerba. In addition to its special context it may be added to the midrashic traditions concerning the Patriarch Abraham adding a unique Djerban dimension to them.

The author describes the ancient synagogue of Hara Saghira on the island of Jerba in Southern Tunisia, perhaps the most famous synagogue in North Africa. By a study of the design and comparison with other synagogues on the island he arrives at a reconstruction of the original form of the building. His main point is that one the two portions of the present interior was originally a peristyle. The general layout of the synagogues on Jerba is reminiscent of the type of synagogue common in Mediterranean countries in the centuries immediately after the destruction of the Second Temple.

Taking the Weberian use of the term "secularization" as a point of departure, the author questions a recent identification of the term with the abandonment of religious beliefs per se. He shows that an abandoning of religious beliefs, which can be effected either through the eradication or the effacement (terms he posits in his typology of religious changes) of religious symbols, is not necessarily an index of secularization. The two concepts in turn are demonstrated to be distinct phenomena growing out of very different sociological conditions and circumstances. Three cases of symbolic change which occurred in a Djerban synagogue in Israel are discussed and the analysis is extended through a comparison with an African ritual. The three Djerban examples in the Israeli environment and the African ritual were found to be instances of effacement. In all four cases the very act of abandonment of the religious symbols, which was due to the fact that the particular symbols in question no longer conforms with the experiential situation of the actors, led to a reaffirmation of the symbols.

This article deals with one aspect of the cultural and social problems encountered by Tunisian Jews in the course of their absorption in Israel. The article concentrates on the study of one of the outstanding occupations distinguishing the community — the publication of the works of Jewish sages, especially from Djerba Island. The publication of religious books, most of which are commentaries on the Bible and the Talmud, was a common phenomenon among the Jews of Djerba Island in particular. If the author of the work was dead, the publication of the work by the descendants raised the latter's social status since it proved that learning and wisdom were part of their family legacy. It also contained an element of honour for one's parents. After immigration to Israel another motive was added to the wish to publish the religious commentaries of a father or other relative — the desire to rescue these writings from oblivion in view of the decline of religious tradition and the secularization process among members of the Tunisian community The activity involved in publication among South Tunisian Jews is thus studied against the background of a rich religious-cultural tradition in which importance was attached to writing and publication and a present which is conceived as an age of decline and degeneration as far as religion is concerned. The amount of books published and circulated is relatively large considering the potential reader market — Jews who immigrated to Israel from South Tunisia. The findings reveal that the relatively wide circulation is not to be attributed to an improvement in their economic situation or the desire of people for prestige and social recognition. These factors explain only part of the phenomenon. A fuller explanation may be presented in symbolic and cultural terms. By engaging in publication or financing it, people express their respect for the deceased, especially if the authors are their ancestors. From this point of view, the content of the book is unimportant because the books as such has a religious value of its own and it is intended to express the loyalty of children to their fathers. This phenomenon may also be defined as the ritualization of literature. Another aspect of this ritualization is that a magical protective power is attached to the book i.e. the latter serve as amulets. This ritualization is apparently a substitute for the numerous specific religious acts many of which are no longer performed today. Instead of them, various activities to which a defusive religious value is attached, are now making their appearance.

Ever since the early 1970s, the dynamic approach of "situational ethnicity" has been widely accepted in ethnic studies. However, since then little progress has been made in the field. This paper seeks to link "situational ethnicity" with the older cultural approach and thereby to advance ethnic studies both in theory and in methodology. A series of comparable ethnic incidents are presented with the aim of uncovering the nature of our Israeli ethnicity. An earlier version of the thesis of this paper appeared in English in Ethos 4 (1976).

The paper examines the nature of the changes in ritual that occurred in an Israeli ethnic synagogue and their symbolic expressions, particularly the tension between citizenship and ethnicity. Certain events taking place in, or concerning, a particular synagogue were studied. The symbolic expression of the changes was found to be a means of communion of the worshipper with his new heterogeneous environment. The symbolic reference was now wider and the symbolic changes implied a shift in a relationship formerly obtained. In order to analyse the symbolic changes more definitely, the author developed a typology of religious changes comprising several types of symbolic changes of which the examples in this paper fall into the category of "innovation."

יתרונה של היסטוריה מקומית הוא במורכבות שהיא תורמת לדיון ההיסטוריוגרפי ובייחוד להיסטוריה ההשוואתית ולנטייתה ליצור תזות גורפות. שפע המקורות שהותירו אחריהן הקהילות היהודיות במיוחד באי ג'רבה בתקופה הקולוניאלית מאפשר מחקר היסטורי וסוציולוגי עשיר בפרטים. אלה מאפשרים להרכיב תמונה מקומית וייחודית אשר בה בעת משמשת גם מקרה מבחן לדיון היסטוריוגרפי השוואתי בדבר ההבדלים בין יהודי ארצות הנצרות לאלה של ארצות האסלאם. נראה כי הפרמטרים המקובלים במחקר מסוג זה, המתמקדים בנסיבות היסטוריות כלליות ובמאפיינים של דתיות אשכנזית לעומת ספרדית, אינם בהכרח עונים על מכלול ההבדלים בין יהודי ארצות הנצרות לבין אלה של ארצות האסלאם. העיון מקרוב בפסיקה של חכמי ג'רבה שופך אור חדש על דיון היסטוריוגרפי זה