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Questo contributo si prefigge lo scopo di presentare uno fra i più noti di questi casi: il pellegrinaggio alla sinagoga della Ghriba a Djerba per la festa ebraica di Lag Ba’Omer . Si tratta di un rituale religioso in un certo senso condiviso, attraverso il quale è possibile rintracciare aspetti plurali per quanto concerne le nazionalità e le componenti religiose, incoraggiati dalla perifericità intesa in senso geografico, religioso e politico (Albera, Couroucli, 2009; Albera, Pénicaud, 2017). Lo Stato tunisino sostiene il pellegrinaggio, che trasmette un’immagine positiva del paese, in quanto luogo di tolleranza e fraternità nella diversità (Boissevain, Isnart, 2017) e favorisce un certo tipo di turismo religioso (Riecou, Souissi, 2016). Questa immagine si impone nonostante l’evento festivo sia stato macchiato a più riprese dal sangue a causa di attacchi terroristici, come quelli del maggio 2023 (Dumas, 2023), del 2002 e del 1985, oltre che percorso dai riverberi delle tensioni israelo-palestinesi, al punto che Dionigi Albera e Manoël Pénicaud (2022) riferiscono di un «Paradoxical Pilgrimage». Il capitolo si compone di tre paragrafi. Nel primo si intende analizzare i miti fondativi della Ghriba. Il secondo è dedicato alle connessioni tra dimensione religiosa e quella sociale di tale pellegrinaggio, soffermandosi sulla convivenza tra gli ebrei e i musulmani a partire dalla condivisione dei riti e delle cerimonie. Nel terzo paragrafo si vuole evidenziare come il pellegrinaggio alla Ghriba possa essere inserito in una serie di tappe che “preparano” a esso, e dunque che è inscritto in un percorso più ampio e in un processo più generale, di cui è il culmine, per altro il più importante e il suo ruolo nel potenziamento del turismo tunisino. Quello conclusivo sintetizza la multidimensionalità del pellegrinaggio e il suo ruolo nella promozione dell’economia tunisina.

Oman has developed under the rule of former Sultan Qaboos (1970-2020) a particular foreign strategy with its own basic lines, without neglecting the need to achieve a regional understanding with its neighbours and international superpowers, United States in the first place. Over the course of the last three years, his cousin and successor, Haitham bin Tariq Al Said, has aimed to undergo the “smooth” positive neutrality pursued by Qaboos albeit his efforts to introduce a number of innovations have been constrained under the pressure of an unexpected economic crisis. We try to analyse whether these budget grievances can oblige Muscat to establish a closer relationship with Saudi Arabia at the expense of its positive neutrality policies regarding a number of regional issues, e.g., Iran Nuclear Deal, Yemen´s war or the Peace process between Arab countries and Israel. We think that material conditions have already had a clear impact on Oman´s neutral diplomacy, mainly because Oman has relied on Saudis to help it overcome its dire financial straits. This does not mean, however, that the current Sultan is not making great efforts to maintain its traditional commitment to a type of strategy that could be termed specifically Omani; but the fact is that the decrease in oil and gas prices has had a remarkable effect on its government´s domestic and foreign policies. And as we intend to argue, the principles of positive neutral foreign policy of a small country like Oman cannot be disassociated from its economic situation and its increasing dependence on regional organizations like the Gulf Cooperation Council (which is highly influenced by Saudi´s priorities). This direction, we believe, leads to a renewed alignment with Riyadh which, after providing generous financial aid, is well placed to impose a “new regional view” on its south eastern neighbour. This new reality might change definitely the main trend line of Muscat´s traditional foreign policy as we knew it in the Gulf region.

The management of heritage sites is fundamental to their conservation and sustainability, and more broadly, it contributes to the preservation of...

شیعیان عمان کلیتی واحد نیستند؛ برخی بلوچ، برخی خوجه، برخی بحرینی و شماری نیز عرب عمانی هستند. در هر کدام از این گروه‌ها شخصیت، هویت و تفکر جمعی خاصی ‌مشاهده می‌شود که همین امر سطوح متفاوتی از ادغام در جامعه میزبان را برای آنها رقم زده است؛ به این معنا که هرگونه تلاشی برای تقریب و نزدیک‌کردن مناسبات شیعیان عمان با دیگر مذاهب در گام اول مستلزم بر تمرکز خود شیعیان برای حذف مانع و چالش‌های موجود بین آنهاست. محدودیت‌های قانونی و ساختاری و استفاده حکومت از آنها برای مقابله با تحرکات و فعالیت‌های جدید، چالشی دیگر در این‌باره است. افزون بر آن هرگونه تلاش برای ساماندهی شیعیان عمان، ممکن است حساسیت حکومت عمان را برانگیزد که روابط حسنه‌ای با جمهوری اسلامی دارد. این پژوهش با استفاده از دو روش مطالعۀ کتابخانه‌ای و مصاحبه با یکی از کارشناسان ارشد مسائل عمان، به بررسی بیشتر جوانب حضور شیعیان در جامعه عمان می‌پردازد و رابطه آنها را با اباضیه بررسی می‌کند که بیشتر جامعه عمان را تشکیل می‌دهند، نظام حکومتی عمان را در اختیار دارند و اشتراک‌های بسیاری نیز با شیعیان دارند. این نوشتار اباضیه عمان را گزینه مناسب تقریب و دارای قابلیت‌های لازم برای دیپلماسی فرهنگی جمهوری اسلامی در نظر می‌گیرد.

Abstract This contribution aims to present the results of a brief survey conducted on some ports in the Dhofar region, along the southernmost coast of the Sultanate of Oman, dated to the medieval Islamic period. The research carried out by the University of Naples L’Orientale at the site of al-Balīd and more broadly in the Dhofar region aims not only to advance new study and research activities but also to reinterpret and analyze existing materials, with the goal of developing a more complete understanding of the region’s role during the Islamic era. During this time, the port of al-Balīd, along with Ṣuḥār and Qalhāt in the northern part of the country, was one of the key centres in the trade networks of the western Indian Ocean. However, there were several satellite ports involved in long- medium and short distance trade networks which may have played an important role in communications with the interior where the frankincense resin was collected. The paper will focus on two of these ports: Sūq al-Ḥāsik and Ḥāsik Qadīm.

The Sultanate of Oman is a unique state of the Persian Gulf, its population lives in a rapidly developing and prosperous society. The novelty of the article consist  in the fact that it studied  the way of life, traditions, religions and the history of settlement of various ethnic groups in the life of the Sultanate of Oman, as well as the peculiarities of local languages in the country. The article examines the lifestyle, traditions, religions of various ethnic groups rooted in the life of this country, as well as the history of their arrival and settlement in Oman. The sites of settlement of large ethnic groups such as Balochis, Bahais, Luati, Zanzibari and Indians were studied, and how they assimilated into society. The article analyzes how some historical events and historical aspects of the Sultanate of Oman influenced the ethnic structure in it. The practical significance of the article lies in the fact that it will help researchers dealing with the countries of the Persian Gulf, Oriental studies and international relations. The article examines the variants of the origin of the word "Oman", the explanations left by the researchers. It was discussed which religions the people of Oman profess, which religion is more widespread in which region. We analyzed the history, lifestyle, and characteristics of the tribes and ethnic groups known in this country, where they mainly live. Attention was drawn to the country's special support for religious tolerance and peace in society.  In the methodology of writing the article, methods of analysis-synthesis, deduction, formalization, open electronic sources, works of foreign and domestic scientists who studied this topic were used.

In our study of anthropology of representations, which combines representations and discursive practices relating to Amazigh identity and history in Libya and the diaspora, the question arises of the material mobilised and the channel for disseminating the information produced. We aim to present the preliminary results of a qualitative survey of the profiles of so-called digital social actors playing the role of institutional researchers on the Libyan and Ibadite Amazigh language and culture. The analysis of publications, comments and audiovisual productions is based on netnography (Kozinets, 2009) in the social media (Facebook and Youtube). Based on a quantitative study, Blilid noted the presence of a ‘cross-border Amazigh virtual community’ (2022), where the focus is on the social interactions revolving around the heritage to be reconstituted and archived. This raises the question of the documentary sources and archiving format to be analysed. It turns out that our players have helped to establish digital libraries from a collection that originated in a family environment closed to the public. For example, Wael Ftees, from Zouara, showed his personal collection on Facebook, and in the same week, Madghis Umadi, in Canada, from Yefren, showed his own collection on the Facebook digital social network. They both present themselves as searches in Amazigh culture and language, they edit their own institutional productions and share pictures of cover pages book. This indicates a competition between non-professional researchers from two towns, whose local identity forms the basis of a transnational political history. Indeed, this political and cultural Amazigh movement in Libya is part of a national vision in which the Amazigh are a component of the new Libyan nation. In this way, Libyan political and historical identity can no longer be built on a citizenship in which only Arabness is recognised by the Constitution.

The suppression of historical truths through the control of archival access has been a longstanding tactic employed by different regimes in the region of North Africa, particularly in Jamahiriya (former regime name for Libya), to manipulate public perception and maintain an illusion of national unity. This paper delves into the critical issue of archival withholding, a practice often veiled by claims of national security, which serves to stifle the public’s understanding of significant historical information and events allowing regimes to shape their own and reinforce narratives. This paper will explore the ramifications of such practices on cultural identity preservation, especially for Infusen communities whose heritage is intertwined with oral traditions and collective memories. The lack of access to these vital documents not only hampers historical inquiry but also risks the erosion of cultural heritage, as seen in the case of Tamazight-speaking communities in the Infusen region. The Italian colonial archives, with their extensive documentation of Tamazight dialects, tales, and glossaries from the Infusen Mountains, highlight the importance of archival materials in safeguarding indigenous languages and cultures. This paper explores how to regain control over historical narratives. By advocating for open access to archives and critical examination of existing records, we can challenge the narratives imposed by past regimes. This promotes transparency, fosters cultural preservation, and leads to a more complete and inclusive understanding of history.

L’attuale “Biblioteca IsIAO” – Sala delle collezioni africane e orientali della Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Roma – conserva buona parte del lascito bibliografico, documentale e fotografico del soppresso Ministero dell’Africa italiana (1937-1953), già Ministero delle colonie (1912-1937) e di quello che, nato come Istituto coloniale (1906), chiuse le sue attività (1995) col nome di Istituto italo-africano. Nei fondi della Biblioteca del Ministero delle colonie e dell’Istituto coloniale troviamo le tracce delle istituzioni coloniali prima della nascita del Ministero: l’Ufficio coloniale (1890-1906) e la Direzione Centrale degli Affari Coloniali (1906-1912). Dal loro studio emerge una storia dell’“idea coloniale” che, in principio, non era necessariamente associata ai domini italiani diretti e che vedeva nel bacino del Mediterraneo (con l’estensione del Mar Rosso attraverso il Canale di Suez), punteggiato di comunità italofone, il fulcro della propria “azione”. La relazione è incentrata sulla presentazione delle fonti – fra cui documenti fotografici e unicum bibliografici – che più rappresentano questa storia.

Depuis quelques années, dans la vallée du Mzab (Algérie), l’ibadisme fait l’objet d’actions pour la préservation de son patrimoine. Des institutions, associatives et universitaires, aussi bien locales qu’internationales, œuvrent à la redécouverte de ses manuscrits et de ses bibliothèques, et à leur diffusion. Augustin Jomier, historien et chercheur à l’IRMC, en expose les acteurs et les enjeux.

إن تأسس (سلطنة زنجبار) في شرق أفريقية منذ عهد السيد سعيد بن سلطان 1804-1856م وحتى سقوطها في عهد السلطان جمشيد بن عبدالله عام 1964م كان نقطة تحولٍ مهمةٍ في تاريخ المنطقة؛ لما تمخض عنه من تغيرات طالت مختلف النواحي والمجالات الدينية، والفكرية، والسياسية، والاجتماعية، والاقتصادية، والثقافية، والعلمية، ومنها إدخال أنظمة جديدة في منطقة شرق أفريقية خاصة، مجال إدارة الوقف في ظل سلطنة زنجبار؛ مما أسهم بشكل إيجابي في إحداث تغيرات كبيرة في المجال الاجتماعي والديني والاقتصادي بين مختلف الطوائف الدينية، ومختلف شرائح المجتمع الزنجباري آنذاك بحسبان أن أكثر من 95٪ من سكان زنجبار من المسلمين منذ القرن التاسع عشر الميلادي، ومن ذلك المنطلق مثلت ممتلكات الوقف أهمية قصوى للتنمية الاجتماعية والاقتصادية لمنطقة شرق أفريقية عامة وزنجبار خاصة، لكن دخول سلطنة زنجبار ضمن هيمنة الحماية البريطانية أثر بشكل سلبي في نظام الوقف، وأدى إلى إحداث مشكلات تفاقمت وازدادت بشكل كبير حتى نهاية سلطنة زنجبار في عام 1964م.

Following the surge of the Black Lives Matter movement in the wake of George Floyd’s murder on 25 May 2020, memorials in remembrance of individuals implicated in colonialism or slavery have come under increasing attack. This article discusses and contextualizes challenges in 2020 to the memorialization of Otto von Bismarck (1815–1898) and Emily Ruete née Salama bint Said (1844–1924) in Hamburg, where the legacy of the German colonial past is particularly palpable. The article argues that proposed solutions—be it the demolition of the city’s main Bismarck monument, its restoration and the erection of a counter-memorial adjacent to it, or the un-naming of a street named after Ruete—potentially erase the complexities and contradictions of the lives of historical actors, are often informed by a desire to quarantine the past, and, just as often, fail to engage with its continuation in the present.