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At the core of this book is an attempt to explain a conflict in Oman in the 1950s and 1960s between two claimants to authority: the Imam of the Ibadi sect and the Sultan.
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A detailed study of Ibāḍī Ḥadīth works in the West and in the East, with an investigation into the possible sources of Abū Yaʿqūb Yūsuf b. Ibr. al-Warjlānī’s Tartīb of the Musnad (or the Ṣaḥīḥ) of al-Rabīʿ b. Ḥabīb al-Farāhīdī. After an introduction around al-Rabīʿ b. Ḥabīb’s Musnad (231-235), follow: The Omani sources (236); The Maghribi sources (240); The Āthār of al-Rabīʿ (241); The Dīwān Jābir b. Zayd (245); Ibāḍī normalization: the historical background (246); Early Mashriqi treatises in the Maghrib: the Mudawwana and the K. Abī Sufyān (247); The historical normalization process (252); Early rationalization of Fiqh (253). At the end of his article Wilkinson says that Ibāḍī law was only made to conform at a relatively late date to the orthodox schools. He hopes to have cleared some of the overlay which the Ibāḍīs themselves developed upon their original school to show that there are important traces of its early development to be found in their written records. The Ḥadīth collection is not part of that genuine early Ibāḍī material. (See Wilkinson 1987b, 153-154).
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The internal view of the development of the Ibāḍī movement (125-126); The Khawārij beginnings (126-131); The Tafrīq of the Khawārij (131-136); The period of “intellectual” development (132-136); Proto-Ibāḍism (136-138); The organization of the Daʿwa (138-140); The Omani conversion (140-143); The Ṣufriyya-Ibāḍiyya split (143-144). At the end of his study, Wilkinson concludes: “So it can be seen that while Ibāḍī doctrine might have originated in a non-tribal milieu, it was closely linked with the political ambitions of tribal or national groups in its period of expansion. At a later stage it was able to modify the excesses of the tribal way of life in Oman, but its history was never divorced wholly from tribal politics. Indeed it could not be, for at root the concepts of the Imāma and Wilāya represented a religious transformation of tribal formulations of political power.”
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Pp. 131-132: in the MNHC there is an undated MS entitled al-Sīra al-Kilwiyya. This is a composite work made up of the following items: (i) what may be called the Kilwa Sīra proper, that is a piece of rhymed prose called al-Maqāma al-Kilwiyya by Muḥ. b. Saʿīd al-Qalhātī with a commentary by Rāshid b. ʿUmar ... b. al-Naẓar; (ii) Sīra by Abū ‘l-Mundhir Salma b. Muslim al-ʿAwtabī to ʿAlī b. ʿAlī al-Kilwī and his brother al-Ḥasan b. ʿAlī al-Kilwī; (iii) a chapter entitled Bāb fī ‘l-Tawḥīd wa-Tafsīrihi ʿalà Madhhab al-Muslimīn (from a book modelled on K. al-Firdaws) by ʿAbd al-Salām ... Saʿīd b. Aḥm. b. Muḥ. b. Ṣāliḥ; (iv) al-Qaṣīda al-Ḥimyariyya, by Nashwān b. Saʿīd al-Ḥimyarī (d. 573/1178) (see GAL I, 300 (364, ed. 1943) and S I, 527-8). In this article the first two works only will be examined. Discussion will concentrate on the Omani background of these documents, since this contribution is aimed at complementing a study that has been published in the International Journal of African Historical Studies which discusses the implications of these documents for East-African history (Wilkinson 1981).
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