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Although the majority of Oman's population is Arab and either Ibadi or Sunni Muslim, the country exhibits a wealth of diversity in ethnic groups and native languages. While these other groups are often small in total size, they are represented in such areas as politics and commerce in numbers disproportionate to the weight of their communities and, although distinctive, are more or less woven into the social fabric of the country. Ethnic identity seems likely to decline as the various communities increasingly mix in education, the workplace, residential areas, social functions, the military, and elsewhere. This article provides brief “snapshots” of these groups and assesses their changing status in Omani society.
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With a list of Omani tribes with there affiliation (Ibāḍī/Sunnī, Ghāfirī/Hināwī) and the regions where they are concentrated. The discussion in this note is taken largely from Peterson 1978, 112-114. The treatment there relies heavily on Wilkinson 1972a.
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With a list of Omani tribes with there affiliation (Ibāḍī/Sunnī, Ghāfirī/Hināwī) and the regions where they are concentrated. The discussion in this note is taken largely from Peterson 1978, 112-114. The treatment there relies heavily on Wilkinson 1972a.
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Scholars and students of the history and politics of the Sultanate of Oman will in all likelihood acknowledge John E. Peterson as the doyen of their field, being active in the study of this Gulf state for just over fifty years. Oman’s Transformation after 1970 is a follow-up to his 2007 book Oman’s Insurgencies, which provided a detailed historical account of the Jebel Akhdar (1955–59) and Dhofar (1963–c.1976) rebellions and the counter-insurgency campaigns Sultans Said bin Taimur (1932–70) and Qaboos bin Said (1970–2020) waged with British support to defeat them.Over the past fifty-five years, Oman has evolved from an impoverished tribal state under Britain’s informal imperial influence to a fully sovereign, prosperous, but absolute monarchy. It has close ties to the Western powers and other members of the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC), while playing an active role in regional diplomacy and preserving a semblance of neutrality (Oman has, for example, acted as a mediator between the US and the Islamic Republic of Iran and has tried to broker peace between the Houthis and their enemies in Yemen). Although the Sultanate did experience some internal unrest during the 2011 “Arab Spring” (442–44), it has not only emerged as one of the most stable states in the Middle East but also managed a peaceful transition of power after Qaboos’s death in January 2020. This was not an outcome that contemporary observers would have anticipated in the context of both Qaboos’s seizure of power in a palace coup in July 1970 or his regime’s struggle for survival against insurgent movements both in the Southern province of Dhofar and Northern Oman.1
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