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This article examines rhetorical strategies in letters from rulers to rebels as part of a complex system of early Islamic conflict resolution. It offers a historical, historiographical, and literary analysis of two case studies (late seventh and early ninth century), locating them within a broader discourse of political authority and opposition that was couched in the covenantal lexicon of the Qurʾan and also included the safe-conduct (amān) and oath of allegiance (bayʿa). Beyond the two main case studies, the article suggests a common template of letters to rebels that grants insight into the political culture of the early Islamic period.
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This article reassesses the “Khārijite” rebellion of Muṭarrif b. al-Mughīra b. Shuʿba al-Thaqafī in 77/696–97 and recontextualizes it within a different “category” of revolt. Analyzing both the history and the historiography of this uprising, the article argues that Muṭarrif’s rebellion is best understood not within a Khārijite framework, but rather as part of a series of revolts carried out by other Iraqi tribal notables (ashrāf) in the same period. This reevaluation is based, for example, on the composition of Muṭarrif’s following, which shows clear connections with other important Iraqi/eastern leaders, such as Muṣʿab b. al-Zubayr, Ibn al-Ashʿath, and Yazīd b. al-Muhallab. These connections, observable in other structural patterns common to Marwānid-era rebellions as well, point to a similarity of grievances, reactions, and aims whose salience far exceeded the context of individual revolts. More broadly, this article also seeks to challenge the received scholarly understanding of Khārijism and to question its usefulness as a category of historical analysis, suggesting instead different approaches to a renewed engagement with this phenomenon.
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Des trois branches de l’islam, on connaît généralement le sunnisme et le chiisme. La troisième, le kharijisme, constitue une catégorie beaucoup plus difficile à cerner, mais son image dans les sources majoritaires est celle de la dissidence, voire de la déviance, politique et religieuse. Les Kharijites sont très présents dans la littérature arabe pour incarner un anti-modèle, celui du chaos politique, de la révolte permanente, de l’excès de zèle religieux et dévotionnel. A tel point que leurs leaders, qui défièrent à plusieurs reprises l’Empire omeyyade, puis abbasside, sont dépeints tantôt comme des rebelles insaisissables, tantôt comme des desperados, des bandits de grand chemin ou des fous de Dieu. Nous analyserons et déconstruirons tout d’abord cet imaginaire de la dissidence, qui participe à la construction de cet islam hégémonique que devint le sunnisme au cours des premiers siècles. Occasion pour nous de revisiter quelques récits qui structurent la narration historique en islam : le règne d’Uthmân, calife de la discorde, la bataille de Siffîn, matrice symbolique des trois branches que se reconnaît l’islam, le meurtre d’Ali, qui met en jeu la question du meurtre politique… Les Kharijites ont constitué une nébuleuse dont nous tenterons aussi de cerner les caractéristiques, de comprendre le programme politique et religieux. Mais pour cela, il faudra tenter de passer de l’autre côté du miroir en essayant d’identifier les textes et les témoignages qui documentent ce courant au plus juste. Nous nous appuierons pour cela sur la production écrite des Ibadites, leurs lointains héritiers idéologiques.
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"The Umayyad World encompasses archaeology, history, art and architecture, and the study of manuscripts and documents of the Umayyad era (644-750 CE). This era was formative both for world history and for the history of Islam. Subjects covered in detail in this collection include regions conquered in Umayyad times, ethnic and religious identity among the conquerors, political thought and culture, administration and the law, art and architecture, the history of religion, pilgrimage and the Qur'an, and violence and rebellion. Close attention is paid to new methods of analysis and interpretation, including source critical studies of the historiography and inter-disciplinary approaches combining literary sources and material evidence. Scholars of Islamic history, archaeologists and researchers interested in the Umayyad Caliphate, its context and influence on the wider world, will find much to enjoy in this volume"--
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At first sight, North African Ibāḍism emerged during the Berber uprisings against Umayyad and ʿAbbāsid rule and stayed at the margins of the empire. The imamate of Tāhart even stood, in the posthumous memory of the school, as an ideal counter-model of the caliphate. In fact, during the 8th and 9th centuries western Ibāḍism remained under the influence of its eastern strongholds, in particular Baṣra where the sectarian elite was well integrated into ʿAbbāsid culture. Intense scholarly exchange linked west and east thanks to intermediary meeting points like Mecca and Fusṭāṭ. The Ibāḍī political opposition of ‘Berber’ and ‘Arab’ ethnicity certainly worked against the imperial discourse, but the Persian shuʿūbiyya shaped it. The Rustamid imamate came to be the symbol of a Persian state in a Berber milieu and its capital and state apparatus underwent a gradual orientalization. Trade also played a key role in connecting the Ibāḍī network with the empire. Baṣra was a notorious emporium and Ibāḍī merchants circulated widely between the ʿAbbāsid realm and its western fringes. The Maghribīs owned stores in Fusṭāṭ and traveled as far as Baghdad and Sāmarrāʾ. Trans-Saharan trade, including slaves and gold, also presumably saw its first development thanks to imperial demand.
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In the world of Islamic terminologies “Khawarij” is truly one of the most infamous. Historically it denotes one of the most notorious factions to ever exist in all of Islamic history. And considering the way the term “Khawarij” (or “Khariji” in the singular) has been used, and how it is still in use today—in polemically charged and heresiographical writings—it only paints a picture of extremism, brutally, and deviance, such that most Muslims know only this contrived negative image. For modern Ibadis, Khawarij as an identity marker concerning their origins is highly disputable. And given the portrayal of the Kharijites in Muslim literature, it is completely understandable as to why they have chosen to distance themselves from such a label. But are what we deem to be characteristics of Kharijism, based on descriptors found in Islamic literature, historically sound? Or does the information for what we believe to be the intrinsic hallmark of Kharijite behavior, tell us more about the author's intentions rather than the historicity of Kharijism? And are allegations of Ibadis being from the Kharijites, or having a Kharijite origin, a gross lie used to slander members of that community. Or is there any truth to such a claim, and that the Ibadi attempt to disentangle themselves from the Kharijites is nothing more than a sleight of hands to say the least?
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Sujet
- Abū Ḥamza al-Mukhtār b. ʿAwf (1)
- Kharijisme (8)
- Recension (1)
- ʿImrān b. Ḥiṭṭān (d. 703) (1)
Type de ressource
- Article de revue (3)
- Chapitre de livre (5)
- Enregistrement vidéo (1)
- Livre (1)
- Présentation (2)