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En Afrique du Nord, après l’effondrement définitif de l’imamat Rustamide (777-909) conséquent à la victoire des Fatimides, la communauté ibāḍite fut contrainte de se réfugier dans les oasis reculées du Mzab algérien, sur l’île de Jerba ainsi que dans la région du Jabal Nafūsa où elle parvint à survivre en secret (kitmān), dirigée alors par un conseil des anciens (‘azzāba). Après l’effondrement politique du mouvement et une période de stagnation, on assiste à un renouveau de la production juridique ibāḍite par l’assimilation de matériaux sunnites, en partie du fait de l’exposition de l’ibāḍisme à l’influence régionale de l’école mālikite qui était alors dominante au Maghreb. À partir du IVe/Xe-Ve/XIe siècle, les autorités religieuses ibāḍites s’engagèrent dans un vaste processus de systématisation du droit et du dogme. La grande synthèse doctrinale et juridique élaborée par Abū Zakariyyā’ al-Jannāwunī et Abū Ya‘qūb al-Warjlānī aux XIe et XIIe siècles ainsi que par Abū Ṭāhir al-Jayṭālī au XIVe siècle sont les principaux résultats de cet effort. Par ce processus de systématisation, les ibāḍites maghrébins purent affronter leur homologue sunnites et mālikites tout en préservant leur identité.
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In the Qurʾān, there are several references to zinā (meaning both fornication and adultery), which stress the social ills that follow from committing such a sin. The Qurʾān makes it clear that those found guilty of zinā, regardless of their marital status, will be liable to receive a punishment of one hundred lashes, whilst slaves, married or unmarried, should receive fifty lashes (Q. 24:2). Nonetheless, the complexities surrounding the issue of adultery, and in particular the issue of its punishment, gave rise to a heated debate in the early Islamic juristic circles, which coalesced into a number of traditions conveying a growing strictness with regard to the punishment for adultery, especially towards married adulterers. In this paper I offer an interpretation of the most significant among these narrations in the early sources. In particular, I provide an account of the issue from the perspective of the early Ibāḍī sources, which are often neglected in mainstream Islamic studies, in order to trace the Ibāḍī contribution to the early juristic debate on fornication and adultery. My hypothesis is that a focus on Ibāḍī sources, which have been proven to preserve some very ancient material, provides a stronger basis for the study of the early centuries of Islam.
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P. 261: the aim of this study is to analyze the origins and the development of the Ibāḍī Madhhab and its relationship to the Sunnī schools in the early centuries of Islam. There are some important questions connected with this issue, for example, whether or not the Ibāḍī Fiqh developed independently of the Sunnī Fiqh, what was the role of the early Ibāḍī authorities and whether or not the position attributed to Jābir b. Zayd in the formation of Ibāḍī Fiqh could be accepted. I would argue that the solution depends on a critical analysis of Ibāḍī literature. It is possible, I would submit, to place these questions in the context of Islamic social and legal history. My research is based on the Ibāḍī Ṭabaqāt and Fiqh works and mainly on some Ibāḍī manuscripts, whose content seems to be early. Not only will the analysis of these texts make the process of establishment of the Ibāḍī Madhhab clearer, it will also provide a much stronger basis for the study of the early centuries of Islam. Pp. 263-264: the early Ibāḍī MSS the author refers to, and which contain Jābir b. Zayd’s legal responses and traditions, are: Jawābāt Jābir b. Zayd, Āthār al-Rabīʿ b. Ḥabīb and Futyà al-Rabīʿ b. Ḥabīb, the Traditions reported by ʿAmr b. Dīnār and ʿAmr b. Harim in parts 5 and 6 of the MS entitled Aqwāl Qatāda b. Diʿāma, K. al-Ṣalāt transmitted by Ḥabīb b. Abī Ḥabīb al-Jarmī from ʿAmr b. Harim from Jābir, included in the last part of the Aqwāl, the K. al-Nikāḥ, included in K. Nikāḥ al-Shighār by ʿAbdl. b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. All these works, with the exception of Jawābāt Jābir b. Zayd, are part of a collection of Ibāḍī MSS known as al-Dīwān al-maʿrūḍ ʿalà ‘l-ʿUlamā’ al-Ibāḍiyya, which is the principal source on Ibāḍī jurisprudence in the first centuries of Islam.
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Based on: Sadūsī, Abū ‘l-Khaṭṭāb Qatāda b. Diʿāma: Aqwāl Qatāda (see especially pp. 234-236); Azdī, Abū ‘l-Shaʿthā’ Jābir b. Zayd: Jawābāt Abī ‘l-Shaʿthā’ Jābir b. Zayd (see especially pp. 237-242); Rabīʿ b. Ḥabīb: K. al-Āthār and Futyā al-Rabīʿ b. Ḥabīb (see especially pp. 243-246); Ibn Ghānim, Abū Ghānim Bishr [b. Ghānim] al-Khurāsānī: al-Mudawwana (see especially pp. 246-248).
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In this essay, Ersilia Francesca reviews scholarship on Ibāḍī law, an understudied and marginalized subfield of Islamic legal history. She argues that recent scholarship in Ibāḍī law has demonstrated that Schact was mistaken to dismiss Ibāḍī jurists as outliers who adopted Sunnī legal norms with only a few tweaks. To the contrary, studying Ibāḍī law as a view of Islam "from the edge," she contends, enables a fuller picture of the multi-faceted process of Islamic law’s emergence. She further offers a periodization for the study of Ibāḍī jurisprudence in three chronological stages: a formative stage in Basra, an intermediate stage generated by Ibāḍī travels to Oman and the Magreb, ending in "a stage of maturity."
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It brings together diverse and exciting voices in the field of Islamic studies to challenge existing disciplinary boundaries and traditional conventions of the field. We approach Islamic studies as an integrative field, where the Muslim tradition is taken as a whole in its complexity, be it confessional, material or historical. Therefore, the conference does not privilege any approach but brings scholars from various fields and confessional specialities. We are particularly attuned to creative methods and unexplored sources investigating new questions within multiple frameworks. We are hoping to have a fresh conversation to catch up with new, invigorating scholarship in the field and take stock of the new realities imposed on us in the last two dramatic years
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