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  • P. 261: the aim of this study is to analyze the origins and the development of the Ibāḍī Madhhab and its relationship to the Sunnī schools in the early centuries of Islam. There are some important questions connected with this issue, for example, whether or not the Ibāḍī Fiqh developed independently of the Sunnī Fiqh, what was the role of the early Ibāḍī authorities and whether or not the position attributed to Jābir b. Zayd in the formation of Ibāḍī Fiqh could be accepted. I would argue that the solution depends on a critical analysis of Ibāḍī literature. It is possible, I would submit, to place these questions in the context of Islamic social and legal history. My research is based on the Ibāḍī Ṭabaqāt and Fiqh works and mainly on some Ibāḍī manuscripts, whose content seems to be early. Not only will the analysis of these texts make the process of establishment of the Ibāḍī Madhhab clearer, it will also provide a much stronger basis for the study of the early centuries of Islam. Pp. 263-264: the early Ibāḍī MSS the author refers to, and which contain Jābir b. Zayd’s legal responses and traditions, are: Jawābāt Jābir b. Zayd, Āthār al-Rabīʿ b. Ḥabīb and Futyà al-Rabīʿ b. Ḥabīb, the Traditions reported by ʿAmr b. Dīnār and ʿAmr b. Harim in parts 5 and 6 of the MS entitled Aqwāl Qatāda b. Diʿāma, K. al-Ṣalāt transmitted by Ḥabīb b. Abī Ḥabīb al-Jarmī from ʿAmr b. Harim from Jābir, included in the last part of the Aqwāl, the K. al-Nikāḥ, included in K. Nikāḥ al-Shighār by ʿAbdl. b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. All these works, with the exception of Jawābāt Jābir b. Zayd, are part of a collection of Ibāḍī MSS known as al-Dīwān al-maʿrūḍ ʿalà ‘l-ʿUlamā’ al-Ibāḍiyya, which is the principal source on Ibāḍī jurisprudence in the first centuries of Islam.

  • Based on: Sadūsī, Abū ‘l-Khaṭṭāb Qatāda b. Diʿāma: Aqwāl Qatāda (see especially pp. 234-236); Azdī, Abū ‘l-Shaʿthā’ Jābir b. Zayd: Jawābāt Abī ‘l-Shaʿthā’ Jābir b. Zayd (see especially pp. 237-242); Rabīʿ b. Ḥabīb: K. al-Āthār and Futyā al-Rabīʿ b. Ḥabīb (see especially pp. 243-246); Ibn Ghānim, Abū Ghānim Bishr [b. Ghānim] al-Khurāsānī: al-Mudawwana (see especially pp. 246-248).

  • Especially on the prohibition of Ribā. Pp. 200-201: in dealing with the Ribā prohibition, one can point out a further incongruity in the Ibāḍī law. As stated above, money exchange and, in general, dealings in precious metals demanded immediate delivery of the two lots which had been exchanged. This doctrine was generally accepted but, among the Ibāḍīs, the ʿUmānī scholar Ibn Baraka (middle of the 5th/11th c.) stated that the exchange of gold for silver on credit is allowed. ... The doctrine of Ibn Baraka did not become part of the school’s teaching. This doctrine may be regarded as a survival of the original Medinese custom in that some traditions quoted by Muslim reported that, during the Prophet’s lifetime, people in Medina used to exchange gold for silver on credit.

  • My contribution starts from a question: Why study Islam from the edge? I think that reading Islam from the edge provides with a unique opportunity to chart alternatives to the dominant and Sunnī-centric narratives on Islam. The Sunnī/“orthodox” mainstream and the sectarian/“heterodox” Islam concurred in elaborating historical readings, which are conflicting but, at same time, simultaneous and interdependent. Ibadism is a fundamental (but often forgotten) religious and legal school of Islam which represents nowadays a minority scattered between Oman and North Africa. Having formulated their views early and moved into relative isolation soon thereafter, the Ibāḍīs preserved old doctrines that are no longer extant in the mainstream tradition. Thus, their heritage has a great potential for the reconstruction of Muslim thought in the pre-modern era and for shedding new light on culture and intellectual activity in the Islamic world.

Last update: 4/28/26, 8:04 AM (UTC)