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In historic times, two catastrophic fissure eruptions originated in the Eastern Volcanic Zone of Iceland, known as Eldgjá eruption (934–940 CE) and Laki eruption (1783–1784 CE). Eldgjá produced 19.7 km3 of lava flows and 1.3 km3 of tephra; Laki emitted 14.7 km3 of lavas and 0.4 km3 of tephra. They released 232 and 122 megatons of SO2 into the atmosphere, respectively. Abundant historic descriptions of the effects of the Laki eruption indicate that the SO2 release produced a sulphuric aerosol that spread across the northern hemisphere with devastating impacts on the population and the environment, especially in Europe. In this study, we present two new written sources that enable the effects of the Eldgjá and Laki eruptions to be fixed to an exact date and place of occurrence in North Africa. These are a medieval North African chronicle known as Rawḍ al-Qirṭās, written in 1326 CE and describing events in Morocco, and a chronicle of events in the island of Djerba (southern Tunisia), written by Muhammad b. Yusef al-Musabi in 1792–1793 CE. These previously unrecognized sources describe in detail the fading of sunlight coupled with the persistent presence of a thick fog made up of fine particles carried over from long distances. The chronicles report events in Morocco in the time period October 938–October 939 CE, and in Tunisia in the year 1783 CE. These data can be interpreted as the first detailed evidence of the consequences of the Eldgjá and Laki eruptions in North Africa. They also can be helpful in dating and determining the area of influence of the eruptions; this may be useful for several applications, such as the numerical simulation of these events, or hazard planning in case of possible future similar eruptions from the same Icelandic area.
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L’analyse d’un long manuscrit contenant un texte arabo-berbère du Moyen Âge, le Kitāb al- barbariyya, connu aussi sous le nom de Moudaououana d’Ibn R’anem (Motylinski et Bossoutrot) ou Mudawwana d’Abû Ġânim al-Ḫurâsânî (Ould-Braham et U-Madi), permet de relever quelques phénomènes liés au contact linguistique entre le berbère et l’arabe du Moyen Âge. La date de composition du texte n’est pas connue mais elle remonte à une époque assez reculée (entre le 10ème et le 15ème siècle). Plusieurs indices (entre autres, l’orthographe du son [g], transcrit avec <ǧ> et pas avec <q>) font penser à une période antérieure ou très proche de l’invasion hilalienne. Parmi les phénomènes observables, on notera : - d’un côté les emprunts du berbère à l’arabe, qui sont concentrés surtout dans le domaine de la religion, même si la langue du document préserve beaucoup de lexique indigène. Dans quelques cas, on peut constater une évolution dans l’utilisation des emprunts d’un livre à l’autre à l’intérieur de l’ouvrage, probablement en raison d’une différence d’époque de composition des différentes parties ; - de l’autre côté, dans certains cas, comme les noms de nombre de la deuxième dizaine, la forme de l’emprunt démontre une évolution déjà avancée de la langue arabe parlée au Maghreb par rapport à la langue « classique ».
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Since the remarkably strong increase in scholarly activity concerning research on the Ibadiyya in the recent decades it is high time to provide insight into the topical state of affairs. The present volume is devoted in particular to the study of Ibadi history and its sources, thus covering the long period of time from early Islam to our days, and extending geographically from the Indian Ocean region to the Mediterranean. Scholars from all over the world deal in their contributions to this volume with a great variety of topics and approaches, thereby revealing in several respects the challenging character of this field of research, just to mention the question of regional specifics and interrelations of the dispersed Ibadi community, the filling of information gaps in its historical narrative, or the reconstruction of sources and their appropriate interpretation. In that way this book also may serve as an ample source of inspiration to future research on Ibadi history
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MSS containing parts of [the Berber translation of] al-Mudawwana: 1) a MS found in a French library, that had been in the possession of Motylinski and Bossoutrot; it contains 594 pp. and covers 9 chapters out of 16 (see Umādī 2006c); 2) a MS bought from a bookseller, 394 pp. and 7 chapters (see Ould-Braham 2008, 2009); 3) the reproduction of a MS located by Brugnatelli in a Tunisian library, containing 896 pp. and 14 chapters, bearing the title of K. al-Barbariyya.
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This paper deals with “defined” numerals, i.e. numerals used in a context where the number of items is already known, like English ‘both’ (‘the two’). Quantifiers referring to two items like ‘both’ are quite widespread in the languages of the world, and most of the Berber languages, too, possess a word, isnin, which is evidently built on the numeral ‘two’ (sin) and means ‘both’. Nevertheless, some Berber languages also display numerals meaning ‘the three’, ‘the four’ etc. This paper aims at describing such peculiar numerals and at providing a diachronic explanation of their origin. This reconstruction implies the presence of the ancient morphemes of determination that nowadays have been merged into all nouns, losing their original meaning and becoming simple nominal marks.
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- Eruptions volcaniques -- Djerba -- 1783 (1)
- Fiqh -- Libye -- 8e siècle (2)
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